1.5 The UK Context
1.5.1 UK Macroeconomic Policy
The UK's macroeconomic policy framework aims at promoting economic stability, while enabling policy to respond to economic shocks. Based on the principle that stability in macroeconomic conditions facilitates both growth in output and growth in employment, it forms part of an overall economic strategy which also incorporates raising productivity, increasing employment opportunities and promoting a fairer society.
The macroeconomic policy framework has two key components in the monetary policy and fiscal policy frameworks.
Fiscal Policy
The UK Government's Code for Fiscal Stability was issued in March 1998 and set out five key principles for the formulation and implementation of fiscal and debt management policy:
In line with the principle of transparency, the Government's fiscal rules were set out in the July 1997 Financial Statement and Budget Report, and are as follows:
The UK Government's fiscal approach draws a clear distinction between current and capital expenditure, and this underpins the Government's commitment to the Golden Rule. Departmental spending allocations will include a firm split between the two types of spending, with a presumption against moving funds from capital to current, except in certain defined circumstances. Previously, decisions did not accurately reflect how future generations would have to pay for current public spending and the arrangements tended to encourage cutbacks in capital rather than current spending.
In order to monitor compliance with these rules, the new format for public finances focuses on three measures:
Monetary Policy
UK monetary policy focuses primarily on the establishment of low and stable inflation through the management of the interest rate instrument. The Government's monetary policy framework gives the Bank of England's Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) operational responsibility for setting interest rates to meet the Government's inflation target of 2.5 per cent. The inflation target applies continuously, so it is necessary to consider interest rate decisions in a forward-looking context. Decisions take account of a wide range of information, typically about the international economy, monetary and financial conditions, demand, output and labour market conditions, reports by the Bank's regional agents, and various pieces of market intelligence.
In setting rates, the MPC recognises that there are time lags in the effects of interest rate changes on the real economy, and, in turn, on monetary conditions. Box 5 provides some background on the relationship between interest rates and inflation, and on the types of time lag which are involved and lengths of such lags.
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Box 5: UK Monetary policy: Time Lags |
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Monetary policy management involves considerations about how the monetary policy transmission mechanism operates - that is, the ways in which a change in monetary policy affects economic and financial markets, and how this in turn affects monetary conditions such as the rate of inflation. It also requires a view on how long it takes for a change in monetary policy to feed through into inflation. Some aspects of the transmission mechanism will operate more quickly than others (e.g. where bank rates are changed immediately in response to a change in official rates), but it generally takes time for the full effects to transpire. |
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Lags in the transmission mechanism in the UK and other industrial economies were addressed by the Monetary Policy Committee in a recent report. It acknowledges that changes in the official interest rate will take time to have a full effect on the economy. More particularly, it suggests that the available research points, on average, to a lag of a year for monetary policy changes fully to impact on demand and production, and another year for these to have their full effect on the inflation rate. |
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As an illustration of this, based on two alternative simulations, the Bank of England's model suggests that a temporary increase in the base rate of 1 percentage point might reduce output by around 0.2 per cent to 0.35 per cent after a year, with output returning to the base level thereafter. It reduces inflation by about 0.2 to 0.4 percentage points after a further year. The effect on inflation then diminishes, but it has not returned to its base level three years after the temporary change in interest rates. |
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Further reading: The Monetary Policy Committee, Bank of England, "The Transmission Mechanism of Monetary Policy", April 1999. |
One consequence of the delayed effect of monetary policy changes, and the need to ensure that inflation is on target over the Bank's two-year forecasting period, is that current policy must be set in anticipation of the macro-economic conditions that may prevail over this time horizon. Thus, current interest rates may be changed even though the current rate of inflation is within the target. The quarter point increases in base rates in September and November 1999 - taking the rate to 5.5 per cent - took place in such a context. More generally, rates will tend to be cut when the Bank judges that there are substantial risks of a future undershoot in inflation, or increased where it believes there are risks that inflation will go beyond the target level.
Some of the background to the Bank's approach to monetary policy was set out in more detail in a recent paper by its Deputy Governor 17. The paper points out that:
Implications for Scotland of monetary and fiscal stability
These elements of UK monetary and fiscal policy are intended to lay the foundations for long run sustainable growth in UK output and employment. If UK policy achieves these objectives, the Scottish economy should stand to benefit in various ways. For example, UK GDP growth rates and Scottish GDP growth rates have historically been closely correlated (see Box 6 and Chart 1.7b). A high correlation in aggregate GDP is not an unexpected result as Scotland and the rest of the UK have shared both the same monetary and fiscal policy over the period and many similarities in overall economic and institutional structure. The high correlation is also likely to be greatly affected by the fact that the rest of the UK has been a major export market for Scottish goods and services; under such circumstances, growth and demand conditions in UK markets tend to have strong spill-over effects on Scottish growth, and vice-versa. In addition, of course, Scotland is a sub-set of the UK in statistical terms.
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Box 6: Characteristics of Scottish and UK GDP Growth |
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This box briefly describes characteristics of UK and Scottish growth over the period 1964-1998. Scotland's growth has been slightly lower and less variable than the UK's. It is also strongly correlated with UK growth (see Chart 1.7b above). |
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Scotland's average growth rate over 1964-1998 is 2.1 per cent, slightly below the 2.4 per cent UK average. Using standard deviations as a measure, there is very little difference in the variability of Scottish growth rates compared with those of the UK over the entire period although, within various subsets, variability in Scottish growth tends to be lower. Correlation coefficients on annual GDP growth rates over 1964-1998 show that Scottish and UK growth rates are well correlated, with a co-efficient of correlation of around 0.8. |
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The calculations use the new quarterly Gross Domestic Product (GDP) series recently published by the Scottish Executive, together with UK GDP information from the Office for National Statistics. Both series are at constant 1995 prices. |
Moreover, because Scotland is an open economy, comparative inflation performance is important to international competitiveness. Continued low inflation would keep the domestic costs of goods and services down and tend to aid Scotland's relative price position. Similarly, provided low inflation is seen to be locked into the UK economy, private sector inflation expectations - in output, labour and financial markets - would be subdued, contributing to lower actual inflation in the future and lower long-term rates of interest. Finally, the avoidance of short-term economic instability should assist continuity in business planning, aid investment decisions, and refrain from imposing longer-term structural obstacles on Scottish economic performance.
1.5.2 UK Economic Strategy: Other Elements
Raising productivity
In the global context, considered in sections 1.1 and 1.2 above, the enhancement of competitiveness through continuing and significant productivity improvements remain the central challenges for both Scotland and the UK. The effect of productivity growth is to help raise the level of sustainable output growth, so allowing a higher level of aggregate economic welfare to be attained. Box 7 provides a useful summary of recent thinking on productivity and the accounting of growth.
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Box 7: Growth accounting -growth, productivity, and total factor productivity |
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A growth accounting framework breaks down the sources of output growth into growth due to a greater quantity of inputs (labour and capital) and that due to better use of those inputs through technological or other efficiency gains, often called total factor productivity. |
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Using this framework, traditional analysis of growth argued that the only way permanently to increase the growth rate was to increase the rate of technical progress or total factor productivity growth. An increase in the proportion of people in employment, or in physical capital or human capital, would lead to a higher level of output, and per capita income as a result, but would not permanently raise the growth rate. The economy would grow faster for a period, until it reached its new higher level, but thereafter it would return to its original growth rate. |
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However, more recent studies suggest that investment in physical and human capital can increase both the level of output and permanently raise the growth rate. There are three key mechanisms: |
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So policies to increase skills and investment, and which recognise the links between the two, become vital to an economy's long run growth performance, and hence central to improving UK productivity and growth. |
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Source: HM Treasury, Budget 99, March 1999. |
The UK Government's Pre-Budget Report, November 1999, illustrated substantial productivity gaps between the UK and the US, and also between the UK and France and Germany (measured by output per worker). Scottish Executive estimates of productivity are shown in Box 8, including those for Scotland. The key finding here is that Scottish productivity appears to differ little from that of the UK and is, if anything, slightly inferior. Thus, against this back-drop, raising productivity is one of the central elements in the thinking of both the Scottish Executive and the UK Government.
The UK strategy has identified five key drivers of future productivity growth that underpin microeconomic policy formation to promote productivity. These are investment; innovation and enterprise; education and skills; competition and regulation; and public sector productivity. A number of measures have been taken to facilitate growth in productivity, including a reduction in corporation tax, and an extension of capital allowances for small and medium-sized enterprises18.
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Box 8: Scotland's productivity gap |
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This box provides a range of productivity estimates and shows Scotland's relative position19 against a selection of countries. The international comparisons are based on current price GDP at current (i.e. 1997) purchasing power parities (PPPs), which express the relative positions in a common currency. The denominator in the productivity measure is the total level of civilian employment. As no account is taken of the distribution between full-time and part-time jobs, the measure is output per head rather than output per hour.20 |
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Strictly, the insertion of the data for Scotland into the following table is not possible, as the other countries' GDP figures are at market prices and the regional/country data in the UK are at factor cost (i.e. before taxes and subsidies are taken into account).21 However, a reasonable approximation can be made by benchmarking Scotland against the UK using the ONS's regional accounts data. Accordingly, the table gives an estimate of Scotland's position in comparison with two figures for UK GDP: with and without the Continental Shelf.22 The PPPs for Scotland are taken to be the same as for the UK. |
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Although the unavoidable statistical difficulties associated with this type of exercise mean that the results should be viewed as broad estimates, the general orders of magnitude appear valid. For example, while the figure for Japan might be surprising, it reflects the combination of high productivity in manufacturing, an unexceptional performance in services and low productivity in agriculture. Similarly, Germany's overall productivity performance is lowered partly as a result of the absorption of the poorly performing sectors in the eastern Lander. Some important conclusions can be drawn. First, the UK has a sizeable productivity gap, compared with France/Germany and (especially) the USA. Second, Scotland's performance (in terms of labour productivity in the whole economy) is below that of the UK as a whole. Hence, it is reasonable to state that the underlying issues affecting productivity levels (and growth) in the UK are also likely to apply to Scotland. |
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GDP per person employed in 1997 (UK, including Continental Shelf = 100)
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USA |
135 |
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France |
124 |
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Norway |
117 |
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Canada |
116 |
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Germany |
113 |
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Austria |
109 |
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Finland |
106 |
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Japan |
102 |
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UK (with Continental Shelf) |
100 |
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UK (without Continental Shelf) |
98 |
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Scotland |
93 |
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Portugal |
73 |
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Source: Scottish Executive. |
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Promoting employment opportunities
The promotion of employment opportunities - and, particularly, the role of government in such promotion - has become a primary policy issue in many economies. The fundamental issues in this area, affecting many countries in varying degrees, have been the changing nature of work, the way taxes and benefits systems affect the incentives to work (unemployment trap) and to progress in work (poverty trap), and the incidence of inactivity or structural unemployment among different groups of workers. A key problem facing economies is essentially about how to provide non-working state benefits while minimising the disincentives to work, thereby fostering higher growth rates and enhancing the overall distribution of the benefits from growth.
The UK Government's economic strategy includes the promotion of employment opportunities. Two central aspects of the strategy are helping people back into work and introducing reforms to improve the rewards from work. Thus, for example, the reforms to the UK tax and benefit system and the UK minimum wage have been introduced to increase the rewards from work and improve labour supply incentives. Increasing the labour supply is designed to allow the economy to expand in a sustainable way; that is, without the same pressures on inflation and, with more people in work, encouraging the benefits of growth to be distributed more broadly across society.
Key aspects of UK policy measures include the 10p starting rate of income tax, introduced in April 1999, the lowering of the basic rate of income from 23 per cent to 22 per cent from April 2000, and the structural changes in the system of national insurance contributions (NICs) announced in the last UK Budget, which are designed to take large numbers of people out of paying NICs. The low starting rate of income tax benefits the low paid most in proportionate terms and is intended to reduce the incidence of the unemployment and poverty traps. Similarly, the national minimum wage, introduced in April 1999 and set at £3.60 an hour for most workers, is intended to help the low paid and increase labour supply incentives at the low end of the pay scale.
The UK Government also replaced the Family Credit system with the Working Families Tax Credit (WFTC) in October 1999. It is aimed at improving the rewards from work for people with families (whether couples or single parents), where the tax and benefit system can significantly reduce incentives to work. The WFTC is a tax credit and is designed to sharpen the link between work and overall rewards through the pay packet. Treasury estimates at the time of the last Budget suggested that around 1.4 million families in the UK would benefit from WFTC by 2001, around 500,000 higher than the numbers who would have received Family Credit.
A further major UK initiative in this area is the New Deal, which is aimed
at groups where there have been significant levels of inactivity or structural
employment obstacles, with the objective of helping them enter the labour market.
For example, New Deal programmes are operating for young people (aged 18-24
years old), the long-term unemployed, and lone parents, and further programmes
are being developed for people over 50 years
old and other groups. In Chapter 2, Box 3 examines the impact of the New Deal
in Scotland.
Building a Fairer Society
A further plank of the UK Government's economic strategy is building a fairer and more inclusive society, in which everyone can contribute to and benefit from economic prosperity. In Britain, poverty and inequality have increased significantly since the late 1970s. The proportion of people living in households with relatively low incomes (proportion below 40, 50 and 60 per cent of mean income) more than doubled between the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1990s. A particular target is child poverty, which the Government is committed to abolishing within 20 years. As well as improving the lives of these children in the immediate term, the Government's aim recognises that Britain's long-term economic potential requires investment in the next generation. Opportunity for all: Tackling poverty and Social Exclusion was the first annual UK poverty report, published in September 1999. It identified key indicators of poverty and social exclusion and the main policy milestones which will be published in future and used to monitor progress. These indicators include measures of worklessness, low incomes, health and poor housing, reflecting the fact that poverty is a multi-dimensional problem.
The UK Government has introduced a raft of policies designed to reform the tax and benefits system in order to support all families with children, and to help make work pay. The Working Families Tax Credit, referred to above, is designed to integrate the tax and benefit systems to help low and middle income working families. It is intended to improve the incentive to work by alleviating the poverty and unemployment traps. The Pre-Budget Report discussed the possibility of an Integrated Child Credit to provide a seamless and transparent system of support for children, but acknowledged that this would be a major structural reform for the longer term with a number of operational and policy challenges.
1.5.3 UK Economy: Recent Economic Developments and Prospects
Overview
UK Output and Demand
Following the deep recession of the early 1990s, UK economic growth resumed in the second half of 1992 (see Chart 1.8). Between 1992 and the end of 1998, growth averaged around 3 per cent a year. Following an increase in GDP of 3.5 per cent in 1997, growth slowed to 2.2 per cent in 1998. Growth in domestic demand, and particularly household consumption, slowed to more sustainable rates as fiscal and monetary policy was tightened, and export growth weakened as the effects of sterling's earlier rise worked through.
The Government's expectations at the time of the 1999 Budget were that the slowing in growth would be relatively short-lived. The Treasury forecast for output was for growth of 1 to 11/2 per cent in 1999, compared with an average among independent forecasters of 0.6 per cent. Subsequent developments have broadly confirmed the more optimistic Treasury assessment and, with strong growth in domestic demand, GDP has grown faster than expected.
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Chart 1.8: Output Growth in the UK, 1990Q1-1999Q3 |
chart 1.8
Source: Office for National Statistics, Gross Value Added at basic prices.
The estimate of GDP for the third quarter of 1999 showed a rise of 0.7 per cent on the previous quarter, compared with growth of 0.8 per cent in the second quarter. Compared with the third quarter of 1998, the preliminary estimate of growth was 1.8 per cent.
Data for the third quarter of 1999 show that consumption growth continued, though at a lesser rate than in the previous quarter. Growth was 0.5 per cent in the third quarter compared with 1.1 per cent in quarter 2. There was also a contribution from net exports, with exports of goods and services rising by 6.2 per cent over the quarter while imports rose by 4.9 per cent. Stocks showed a substantial decrease for the second successive quarter.
The UK's deficit on trade in goods and services was £3.3 billion in the third quarter of 1999, comprising a deficit in trade in goods of £6.2 billion and a trade in services surplus of £2.9 billion. This compared with a deficit of £3.7 billion on trade in goods and services in the previous 3 months. The ONS estimates of trends in the value of trade in goods (based on data to September 1999) suggest that the UK trade deficit is narrowing.
The third quarter of 1999 saw export volumes rise by 8 per cent whilst imports grew by 5 per cent on the previous quarter. Exports of goods had been weak from late 1998 onwards, but have recently shown some recovery. Some of the adverse factors which had been affecting exports have begun to improve and strengthening growth in both Asian markets and EU economy is now apparent. The strength of sterling has also been of concern to exporters. Sterling's Exchange Rate Index has risen by over 25 per cent since the beginning of 1996.
Current UK monetary and fiscal indicators.
Box 9 discusses some of the indicators which may be used to assess the effectiveness of macroeconomic policy.
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Box 9: Macroeconomic Policy Framework |
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In broad terms, the effectiveness of the UK macroeconomic policy framework and the progress towards UK objectives are reflected in a range of indicators: |
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Table 7, together with charts 1.9 and 1.10, show recent trends in a number of monetary and fiscal variables.
In the context of the new UK macroeconomic framework, the data are instructive. They show that inflation is within the MPC target range and comparatively low by historical standards. During summer 1999, the rate fell below the target, reflecting the influence of weaker import prices and a squeezing of retail and producer margins. Influences in the opposite direction have been an increase in the oil price since the beginning of 1999 and strong growth in domestic unit wage costs. Fiscal policy remains relatively tight with net borrowing having fallen and expected to be in surplus in the current financial year. The surplus on the current budget has improved markedly since 1996-97 when there was a deficit of 3 per cent of GDP. By 1998-99, this had been transformed into a surplus of 0.8 per cent of GDP. While interest rates have been increased by 25 basis points in September and November 1999 to reach 5.5 per cent, the official short-term rate of interest remains at comparatively low levels. Moreover, the current 10 year bond yield is now around 170 basis points below its 1997 average and 250 basis points below its 1996 average. Furthermore, the positive differential on 10-year bond yields against G7 countries has fallen significantly. Box 10 examines long-run trends in UK Total Managed Expenditure.
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Table 7: Fiscal and monetary indicators |
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1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 1 |
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RPIX inflation, % |
2.9 |
3.0 |
2.8 |
2.6 |
2.2 |
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Net borrowing (financial year 2) (£bn) |
35.1 |
27.7 |
9.9 |
-2.5 |
-3.5 |
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Surplus on current budget (£bn) |
-25.5 |
-22.6 |
-5.2 |
7.2 |
9.5 |
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Base rate 3 (%) |
6.5 |
6.0 |
7.25 |
6.25 |
5.5 |
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10 year bond yield (%) |
8.2 |
7.8 |
7.0 |
5.5 |
5.3 |
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Differential on 10 year bond yields UK-G7 (basis points) |
+140 |
+160 |
+130 |
+100 |
+20 |
Source: HM Treasury, Pocket Databank and Pre Budget Report, November 1999.
Notes:
1. 1999 figures RPI(X), base rates and bond yields are the latest data available
for the year.
2. The net borrowing and current surplus figures are for the financial years
1995-96, 1996-97, 1997-98, 1998-99, and 1999-2000. All figures exclude windfall
tax receipts and associated spending. The 1999-2000 figure is a forecast from
HM Treasury's Pre-Budget Report, November 1999.
3. Base rates are the last official rate applying in each year, except 1999
which is that of November 1999.
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Box 10: UK Total Managed Expenditure: Trends since 1975-76 |
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The long-run trend in UK public spending as a per cent of GDP has been downward, as shown in the chart 1.9. A lower government consumption share of GDP is characteristic of advanced economies in recent years and there can be powerful factors behind such trends. Important determinants are likely to be the increasing emphasis on sound finances within overall macroeconomic management, as well as the movement in the UK towards greater private production (e.g. privatisation) and, more recently, the use of private sector finance in public sector projects. |
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Though the long-term trend in the GDP ratio is downward, some care is needed in comparing spending as a percent of GDP within specific periods covered in the chart. This is because the figures are sensitive to the precise stage of the economic cycle. In a recession, some parts of government spending rise (e.g. current spending on social security) and help stabilise the economy, while at the same time private sector transactions are slowing. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that the ratio of public spending to GDP tends to rise, as was the case in the early 1980s and the early 1990s. By a similar argument, the ratio tends to fall during periods of above average growth in GDP, as was the case in the late 1980s. |
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While public spending has constituted a smaller part of total GDP over time, this does not mean that it has fallen. Indeed, the reverse is true in both nominal and real terms: the real terms series is illustrated in chart 1.10. The chart shows a clear long-run trend of rising real public spending. |
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Chart 1.9: Spending as percent of GDP |
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chart 1.9
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Source: HM Treasury, Pre Budget Report, November 1999 |
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Chart 1.10: UK Total Managed Expenditure, £ billion, 1998-99 prices |
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chart 1.10
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Source: HM Treasury, Public Expenditure Statistical Analyses 1999-2000 |
Prospects and Forecasts: Real Economy
The most recent Treasury forecasts for the UK economy were set out in the November 1999 Pre-Budget Report and are summarised in Table 8.
Projections for GDP growth are given as ranges, based on alternative assumptions about the supply-side performance of the UK economy. The mid-point of the ranges is based on the assumption of 21/2 per cent a year for the trend rate of growth, which is the Government's neutral assessment of the economy's growth potential over the medium term. The public finances projections are based on the low end of the ranges, consistent with a cautious assumption of 21/4 per cent a year trend growth. The surplus on the current budget is projected to rise slightly over the years to 2001-02, and net borrowing is expected to show a small surplus in all years to 2001-02. Box 11 provides background details on the considerations underlying the assessment of the economy's trend rate of growth.
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Table 8: UK Pre-Budget Forecasts |
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1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
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GDP growth (%) |
13/4 |
21/2 - 3 |
21/4 - 23/4 |
21/4 - 23/4 |
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RPIX inflation (%, Q4) |
2 |
21/2 |
21/2 |
21/2 |
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Surplus on current budget (% of GDP) |
1.1 |
1.2 |
1.3 |
1.2 |
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Public sector net borrowing (% of GDP) |
-0.4 |
-0.3 |
-0.3 |
0.1 |
Source: HM Treasury, Pre-Budget Report, November 1999.
Note: Forecasts for the surplus on the current budget and net borrowing
are for the financial years 1999-2000 to 2002-03. Both exclude the windfall
tax and associated spending.
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Box 11: UK Trend Growth Rate |
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The UK Government's central economic objective is to achieve high and stable levels of growth and employment. Even small changes in the rate of growth can have large effects if sustained over a number of years. For this reason, the UK Government aims to raise the long-term non-inflationary growth performance of the UK economy (i.e. the economy's trend growth rate). |
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Consideration of the trend growth rate is also important in assisting with the conduct of fiscal and monetary policy, by: |
The UK Government's assessment of the trend rate of growth of GDP was revised upwards in November 1999 from 21/4 per cent - the rate adopted when the present UK Government assumed power in 1997 - to 21/2 per cent. This arises from:
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This assessment assumes some further increase in the employment rate resulting from the UK Government's policies affecting labour market participation, but does not rely on improvements in underlying productivity. |
Outside views on economic growth have strengthened recently - the consensus for growth in 1999 was 1.6 per cent in November 1999, up from 0.6 per cent in March 1999. There is a clear consensus that the economy is likely to grow at a much stronger rate in 2000. The average of outside forecasters, in November 1999 was for growth of 2.8 per cent (see Table 9).
Forward-looking business survey indicators have strengthened from the low levels of a year ago, with improvements in global economic prospects and continued low interest rates. Business survey indicators had deteriorated sharply in Autumn 1998, with a 20 year low for the CBI manufacturing optimism on balance in October 199823. The latest CBI Quarterly Industrial Trends Survey (October 1999) suggests that manufacturers' business confidence has strengthened since July 1999, rising at its fastest rate since April 1995. Optimism about export prospects for the year ahead remains weak, but less so than at any time since January 1997.
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Table 9: Forecasts of the UK economy, 1999 and 2000 |
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% change on a year earlier |
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1999 |
2000 |
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Treasury PBR |
Independent forecasters |
Treasury PBR |
Independent forecasters |
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GDP growth |
11/4 |
1.6 |
21/2 - 3 |
2.8 |
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Household consumption |
4 |
3.9 |
21/2 - 23/4 |
3.1 |
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Fixed investment |
41/4 |
4.3 |
21/4 - 21/2 |
2.8 |
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Current Account (£billion) |
-121/4 |
-11.9 |
-101/4 |
-14.0 |
Source: HM Treasury, Pre-Budget Report, November 1999 and HM Treasury, Forecasts for the UK Economy: A Comparison of Independent Forecasts, November 1999.
Outlook for the UK monetary indicators
The Bank of England's Inflation Report, November 1999, assessed the most likely outcome for inflation in 2000 to be 2 per cent, and 2.5 per cent by the end of its two-year inflation forecast, following a build-up of pressures from above-trend growth. On the basis of both extrapolations of the current exchange rate and expected interest rate differentials, its central projection for sterling is a depreciation of 3.6 per cent over the same period. Based solely on expected differences in interest rates, the depreciation would be about 7.2 per cent, while econometric modelling, as described in Box 12, would imply a depreciation of about 2.6 per cent.
Table 10 sets out the average of independent forecasts for 1999 and 2000 for some of the main monetary indicators.
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Table 10: Average Independent Forecasts |
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1999 |
2000 |
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RPIX |
Sterling index |
3-month interest rates % |
RPIX |
Sterling index |
3-month interest rates % |
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All forecasts |
2.1 |
104.4 |
5.68 |
2.4 |
101.2 |
6.09 |
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City forecasts |
2.1 |
103.8 |
5.77 |
2.3 |
100.2 |
6.18 |
Source: HM Treasury, Forecasts for the UK Economy: A Comparison of Independent
Forecasts, November 1999.
1 Sterling index: 1990 = 100
Based on the average of the independent forecasts, the outlook for 2000 is for a stronger GDP performance, with the inflation target continuing to be met in the fourth quarter of the year. Short-term (3-month) market rates of interest are expected to be around half a point higher in the fourth quarter of 2000 than they were in Q4 1999, and the sterling index is expected to fall. There is a broad agreement between the average forecasts of the city institutions in the survey and those of all of the panellists taken together. On the whole, the city forecasts tend to suggest slightly higher GDP growth, slightly higher short-term interest rates, and a slightly lower level of the exchange rate.
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Box 12: Assessing the UK exchange rate |
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The economic analysis of exchange rate determination is complex, particularly in view of the number of competing theories available. However, a recent paper by Sushil Wadhwani gives an instructive account of some of the ways in which the exchange rate can be modelled, with reference to the recent trends in the sterling-deutschemark rate. |
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The paper presents a new model of the exchange rate, to cast light on sterling's rise against the deutschemark from early 1996 to early 1998. While it cautions that the precise econometric estimates should not be overemphasised, the new model suggests that, in addition to sterling starting from a low base prior to early 1996, relative unemployment trends (with the UK unemployment falling compared to Germany) had a strong positive effect on the UK exchange rate. A combination of lower global equity markets, a higher UK current account deficit, and relative improvements in German unemployment are examined and imply a reduction in sterling's modelled value against the DM. |
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Further reading: S Wadhwani, Speech at the London School of Economics, organised by the Centre for Economic Performance, 16 September 1999 |