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SCOTTISH EXECUTIVE

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Involving Civil Society in the Work of Parliaments
 
 
Conclusions
 
This project has attempted to bring together some preliminary information on the areas of civic participation and social partnership. Given the time-frame of the project, and its timing during parliamentary recesses and the major holiday period, this report should not be viewed as an exhaustive study of the mechanisms for civic participation or the arrangements for social partnership in Europe. The direct involvement of non-members within the work of parliaments, in particular, is not a subject that can be fully covered through desk-based research. In conclusion to this report we would like to suggest some key areas for further research and provide a brief overview of the information provided by the report.
 
The full requirements of representative democracy are not met by elections alone but demand a continuous process of exchange between those who delegate power and those who exercise it Some theorists of democracy, such as Schumpeter, would argue against any extension of representative democracy and claim that the citizenry are an 'unworkable committee' unable, and unwilling, to expend any effort on political issues. This, however, appears to be contradicted by the huge range of citizen Involvement in voluntary and community based initiatives included within a broad definition of political activity.
 
The rationales for popular participation are diverse. It can be characterised as a self-Interested activity: motivated by specific instrumental concerns or, on a wider level, by the belief - particularly by excluded groups - that only through their 'presence' will their needs be met and understood. The communitarian perspective would see participation as a demonstration of concern for collective values and an educational experience in itself. This pursuit of participation for its own sake is criticised by those who feel that the benefits of participation should be measured by the degree to which they deliver institutions that ensure political equality and proper policy deliberation. These rationales and the intensity of individual participation they involve are summarised by Stoker in
 
Figure 21. 53
 

 

 
The evidence outlined above demonstrates there are a number of issues that need to be continually addressed and monitored throughout any participatory process. In particular we would highlight the need to consider the representativeness of those Involved and the necessity for accountability.
 
Nonetheless we would argue that the examples discussed above demonstrate that the wider Involvement of civic society and social partners are worthwhile, and achievable, goals. Successful examples of partnership and participation draw upon pre-existing net-works whose meaningfulness to those involved is already demonstrable. From this starting point participatory processes can be further encouraged and developed. In this way representative democracy can be strengthened by the direct input of the citizens.
 
Suggestions for further research
 
Given the limitations of this project we indicate below some further avenues of research that may be of Interest should the CSG require any more detailed information
 
There is a growing body of literature on civic participation methods but there is still a need for:
  • Further collation and evaluation of examples of good practice.
  • In-depth study of parliamentary level, government regulated initiatives for involving the citizenry throughout the world.
 
Although there is a significant body of academic literature that deals with 'traditional' corporatist arrangements, i.e. those between state, capital and labour, much of this is now rather dated. It is also predominantly theoretical literature concerned with the delineation of particular political models. There is substantially less information readily available on the specifics of institutional arrangements. In this report these details were most frequently gleaned from a variety of web-based sources and direct inquiries. We would therefore suggest
  • In-depth study of the specific institutional arrangements available to social partners in comparable nations.
 
In Part B we also indicate the necessity for taking a wider view of social partnership to include groups that have often been left outside traditional corporatist arrangements. This area is particularly under researched with regard to the specific role of national parliaments and the executive. Further research may be considered in the following areas:
  • Identify and research in detail examples of wider social partnerships in action. For example, the use of sectoral forums.
  • Research focused on particular policy areas in order to determine specifically what partners need to be included and the most appropriate institutional arrangements.
  • Further research to draw upon and apply local models to regional and devolved parliamentary levels.
 
Given the compelling nature of the equal opportunities critique of many social partnership arrangements we would particularly recommend that the Scottish Parliament considers the representativeness of its social partner organisations. This is already an important requirement in European Structural Funds and Initiatives such as Agenda 21. Although some valuable gender disaggregated statistics are available around unions, public bodies and the voluntary sector (see for example the Scottish Gender Audit, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997). There is still a need for a great deal further research in these areas, particularly with regard to peak business organisations and the role of women in economic decision-making. We would suggest:
  • Detailed mapping of the gender balance within Scottish social partner organisations.
 
As indicated previously, very little in-depth material exists on the inclusion of nonmembers within the work of parliaments. In order to compile a full picture of the arrangements that currently exist in comparable institutions around the world we would suggest:
  • A systematic survey of the experience and range of mechanisms used to involve non-members in the work of parliament. This information could then be collated and evaluated.
 
It should be borne in mind that many of the institutional arrangements currently under consideration by the Scottish Parliament are at the cutting edge of constitutional affairs. The lack of comparative material and practical examples in existence elsewhere is not then particularly surprising. This is not an argument against experimentation, it merely suggests that the material that is available should be carefully considered and that particular attention should to be paid to creating mechanisms that will allow regular monitoring and evaluation against the agreed objectives.
 

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