| 2.3 Citizens' Juries |
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| Overview |
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| Citizens' juries were pioneered
in the 1970s in the United States and Germany. The German model has been
used in recent years in Spain, The Netherlands and Palestine. A number of
citizens juries have also been run in the UK since the mid 1990s. A citizens'
jury brings together a group of randomly chosen citizens to deliberate on
a particular issue, whether it is the setting of a policy agenda or the
choice of particular policy options. Over a number of days participants
are exposed to information about an issue and hear a wide range of views
from witnesses, who are selected on the basis of their expertise or on the
grounds that they represent affected interests. With trained moderators
ensuring fair proceedings, the jurors are given the opportunity to cross-examine
the witnesses and, on occasion, call for additional information and witnesses.
Following a process of deliberation amongst themselves, the jurors produce
a decision or provide recommendations in the form of a citizens' report.
Typically, the sponsoring body (a government department, a local authority
or other agency) is required to respond, either by acting on the report
or explaining why it disagrees with it. Citizens' juries have been run on
a wide range of ethical and social questions and on a wide range of policy
areas including: local planning; energy; technology and communication; environment;
and transport. |
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| Description of procedure |
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| Stage one: setting up the
process |
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- The commissioning body (or sponsor) identifies
an issue on which it wants to seek informed public opinion and contracts
an independent facilitating organisation.
- The facilitating organisation will typically
establish an advisory group which will provide advice on the question
(charge) to be asked and the choice of expert witnesses. Experts are
chosen who can provide different perspectives on the question.
- A group of citizens are chosen using either
random or stratified random sampling. In the US and the UK a single
jury of between 12 and 16 citizens is chosen. In Germany a number of
juries or planning cells each composed of 25 citizens are run concurrently
and/or in series.
- It is now common practice for a contract
to be drawn up between the commissioning body; the independent facilitators;
and the jurors. This requires that the commissioning body responds to
the jury's recommendations within a given time period.
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| Stage two: running the jury |
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- Juries often meet for preparatory evenings
or weekends prior to the jury proper.
- The jury usually sits for around four
days. Jurors are paid expenses and a set amount to cover lost income.
- Trained moderators ensure the fairness
and smooth running of the process.
- Juries hear evidence from the expert witnesses
and have an opportunity to cross ex-amine them.
- Jurors then discuss the issues raised
amongst themselves. To avoid domination by any single juror, much of
the discussion occurs in small groups.
- Jurors are then allowed to recall the
experts to seek further clarification on particular issues. They may
also be able to call new witnesses if they feel information is lacking.
- On the final day jurors draw together
their conclusions and present a series of recommendations at the final
plenary session.
- A final report of the jury decisions is
usually compiled by the independent facilitators. It is then distributed
to the citizens for their approval.
- The report is submitted to the commissioning
body. Recommendations are not binding, but the commissioning body is
expected to publicise the findings and respond to them within a set
time period.
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| Case Studies |
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| United States of America |
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| Examples of topics: |
| 1984 Impacts of agriculture on
water quality in Minnesota |
| 1989 At risk children in Greater
New Haven |
| 1992 Candidate ratings for the
senate |
| 1993 National healthcare reform |
| 1995 Hog farming in Rice county |
| 1995 Congestion pricing for Minnesota |
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| In 1971, Ned Crosby founded the
Jefferson Center for New Democratic Processes in to promote citizens' juries
and other innovative forms of democratic partici-pation.18 The Jefferson Center is an independent organisation paid
for and run by Crosby himself. Crosby developed the idea of citizens' juries
in response to what he identified as fundamental problems of democracy in
the US - the manipulation of the public by political parties; the corruption
of government decision-making processes by special interests; and the failure
of voting to ensure any meaningful political influence on the part of citizens.
Citizens juries have attracted media attention, but as yet appear to have
had little direct influence on the political decision making process in
the US. |
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| The Jefferson Center tends to
run single juries of 12 citizens. Stratified random sampling is used to
select jurors.. From an initial random selection of citizens, the jury is
chosen using demographic and, on occasion, attitudinal criteria in order
to generate a sample of citizens that 'mirrors' the wider population. Demographic
criteria often include geographic location, gender, age, race and education.
The Jefferson Center has experimented with complete juror control of the
process so that jurors were permitted to decide which witnesses to call.
This proved to be problematic because jurors initially had insufficient
knowledge about the issue under consideration. The initial selection of
expert witnesses is now the responsibility of the Jefferson Center; although
jurors are permitted to call further witnesses at a later stage in the process. |
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| Germany |
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| Examples of topics: |
| 1980 Cologne town hall project |
| 1985 Energy supply for Johchen
Nord |
| 1990 Integrated Services Digital
Network (ISDN) in the private and professional environment |
| 1991 Road siting for the centre
of Revelsberg |
| 1996 Development of residential
site in Solingen-Aufderhohe |
| 1996 Review of public transport
system in Hanover |
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| In Germany, citizens juries are
known as 'planning cells' (Planungzellen). They have been pioneered since
1969 by Professor Peter Dienel at the Research Institute for Citizen Participation,
University of Wuppertal.19 Dienel has argued that planning cells provide a
way of 'organising public participation, compatible with the institutionalised
forms of our political I administrative system'. He is particularly
concerned that the political decision making process has become increasingly
owned by a professional political class and that a social and substantive
cleavage is growing between the privileged decision makers and the majority
of the population. To date there have been around 23 planning cell projects.
Unlike the experience in the US, government bodies (municipal, state and
federal government) and private agencies have commissioned the Research
Institute to organise planning cells, providing financial support and agreeing
to take into account their recommendations and judgements in future decision
making processes. This is formalised through a contract between the parties
which requires the commissioning body to publicise its response to the jury's
recommendations. This ensures a degree of political commitment and influence.
Many of the more recent planning cell projects have received the support
of the Federal Ministry of Research and Technology. |
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| Whereas Crosby tends to promote
single juries, Dienel often runs a number of planning cells, each containing
25 citizens, concurrently and/or in series. To date, the largest project
involved 500 citizens from all over Germany discussing the future use of
IS DN. The Research Institute chooses citizens entirely at random from the
files of the residents' registration offices. Dienel argues that it is important
that all citizens have an equal chance of being chosen. Citizens receive
an expenses allowance as well as additional compensation for proven loss
of earnings. The acceptance rate for invitations to participate varies from
between 15-20% for tasks dealing with technological questions and 25-40%
for planning issues at the local level. Any number of planning cells is
possible and to increase the efficiency of the process, the same task is
often allocated to several different planning cells located in different
towns and regions. The Research Institute therefore plays an important role
in drawing together the rough recommendations of the different planning
cells into a formal citizens' report. |
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| Citizen Report on lnformation
Services Digital Network (ISDN) |
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| The announcement of the introduction
of ISDN in Germany led to the rapid emergence of a critical and public discussion
of its social and economic effects. For proponents ISDN offers the gateway
to the 'information society'; for critics it is an unacceptable technology
whose capacity to store data can undermine citizens' basic rights. In response
to the growing debate, the Deutsche Bundespost Telekom and the Federal Ministry
for Posts and Telecommunications organised an extensive research project
at the centre of which was the production of a citizens' report on the 'social
compatibility of ISDN'.20 This was to become the largest planning cell or
citizen jury project to date with some 500 citizens involved. Each planning
cell was given the opportunity to test ISDN, to ask questions of critics
and experts and to deliberate and assess its potential effects over four
days. |
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| In June 1989 the Deutsche Bundespost
commissioned a citizens' report from the Research Institute for Citizen
Participation at the University of Wuppertal under the leadership of Peter
Dienel. Between December 1989 and September 1990 the research unit organised
22 planing cells in eight towns across Germany. Over the four days, the
members of the planning cells were introduced to ISDN; focused on questions
of data protection and protection of privacy; investigated examples and
possibilities of the technology; and were asked to offer scenarios for the
future of telecommunications. Overall, the majority of the participants
had positive attitudes towards the technology, but had distinct reservations
about the effects of technological progress on society. In particular, many
of the citizens raised concerns about the implications for privacy and informational
self-determination. The storage of connection data was seen by citizens
as the greatest data protection problem. Deutsche Bundespost's original
intention to store such data for up to 80 days after invoicing customers
was seen as unacceptable in the citizens' report. |
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| What is most interesting is that
the recommendations and concerns of the citizens' report, and the wider
critical debate of which it was a part, influenced the decree on data protection
in telecommunications that came into force in Summer 1991. Telekom and the
federal government have recognised that a constructive dialogue between
citizens and agencies can help shape more sensitive regulation in highly
technical policy areas. |
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| United Kingdom |
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| Examples of topics: |
| 1996 Drugs and community safety,
Lewisham |
| 1996 Services for the dying for
Walsall Health Authority |
| 1996 The future of waste management
in Hertfordshfre |
| 1997 Improvement of the Swiss
Cottage site, Camden |
| 1997 Taste and decency on television |
| 1997 Genetic testing and the
insurance industry |
| 1997 Graffiti and vandalism,
South Lanarkshire |
| 1997 Creating employment opportunities
in Levenmouth |
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| The Institute of Public Policy
Research (1PPR), the King's Fund Policy Institute and the Local Government
Management Board (LGMB) have advocated the use of citizens' juries in the
UK, each independendly sponsoring a series of pilot projects.21 These have typically been conducted in conjunction
with health authorities and local government, two institutions often criticised
for falling to engage their local populations. However, other organisations,
such as the Independent Television Commission (ITC) and the Association
of British Insurers (ABI) have also sponsored juries on, respectively, taste
and decency on television, and genetic testing and the insurance industry.
The pilot juries have all consisted of between 12 and 16 citizens. They
have generally been. used in one of two ways: either they have been asked
to make a decision on a contentious 'live' issue where there are a clear
set of options, for instance, the 1997 jury on the improvement of the Swiss
Cottage site, Camden; or they have been asked to respond to fairly broad,
open-ended policy questions, for instance, the 1996 jury on drugs and community
safety in Lewisham. The New Labour administration has shown some interest
in these pilot projects. The Ministers for Women, Joan Ruddock and Harriet
Harman, initiated a series of women's juries to gain insight into the views
of the 'silent majority' on issue of work and child care and, in one of
its recent consultation documents on the modernisation of local government,
the Department of Environment, Transport and the Regions has offered the
citizens' jury process as a potential mechanism for reinvigorating interest
in local politics and overcoming cynicism towards, and distrust of, local
authorities. |
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| The UK pilots have all been single
juries of between 12-16 citizens. Different procedures have been used to
draw up the original pool of citizens from which the jury is chosen. These
have varied from random selection to advertising for interested citizens.
In order to achieve a broadiy representative sample from this pool of volunteers,
socio-demographic selection criteria have been used. There is some concern
that a small number of organisations which have been involved in the pilot
process are now setting up their own juries without employing an independent
facilitating organisation. The fairness of the process is then immediately
called into question. |
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| The 'Lewisham Listens' Citizens'
Jury |
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| The Lewisham Citizens' Jury took
place in April 1996 as part of the LGMB's pilot project on the subject of
'Drugs and Community Safety - How Can we Reduce Harm to the Community and
the Individual?'.22 A number of major local agencies - including Lewisham
Borough Council, the Police, the local Health Authority and Goldsmith's
College -had recognised that a cross-agency approach to the problems was
needed. The jury was seen by the commissioning organisation - Lewisham Borough
Council - as a mechanism for achieving an informed citizens' perspective
on how new working arrangements and approaches might be developed and for
involving local the community in local government. The jury was seen as
part of the council's emerging Democracy Project, 'Lewisham Listens'. A
steering group was organised which consisted of representatives from the
major local agencies and from the consultants. It was their role to establish
the broad agenda, refine questions, devise a list of potential witnesses
and oversee the project. |
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| 16 jurors were selected by commercial
consultants Opinion Leader Research (OLR) to represent the profile of the
Borough by age, gender, social class, race and housing tenure and each juror
costs were reimbursed at a fiat rate of £50 per day. All council
employees, elected officeholders and those working on drugs issues were
excluded from taking part. Two facilitators were employed - one from a market
research company; the other an expert worker in the drugs field. A number
of expert witnesses were sought to offer contrasting and diverging opinions.
Prior to the process, two focus groups were conducted; one to 'pre-test'
the jury concept and aspects of the programme; and the other to ascertain
views on drugs from a group of young people (14-17 year olds). |
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| The jury lasted four days with
an evening pre-briefing a week in advance. The first three days were pre-planned
with 10-15 minute presentations by witnesses and 15 minutes for questioning.
The jury punctuated the witness sessions by splitting into two groups to
prepare questions for the witnesses, to take time to review what had been
learnt and to role play to further understand the issues. Summary sessions
were held at the start and finish of each day. The main sessions were open
to observers from the council and the press were present on the first and
last day. Day Four was left free so that the Jury could call its own witnesses
and have the opportunity to reach conclusions and recommendations. Recreational
drug users and representatives from a treatment clinic offering services
to crack and cocaine users accepted the invitation and provided evidence.
The facilitators noticed that men tended to dominate the full group sessions
and so group work was split into genders - otherwise there was a high degree
of respect for individuals within the proceedings. The Home Secretary was
invited to attend but declined. |
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| In the final conclusions there
was a large degree of unanimity across a wide range of the conclusions.
Where there were differences most of the splits were along gender lines.
Significant attitudinal changes occurred amongst the jurors over the four
days. The jurors felt that they had a clear understanding of the issues
and ownership of the jury process. Some jurors talked of the process as
a 'life changing experience'. The final report was drawn together by OLR
with input from lead officers of Lewisham Borough Council. The jury was
reassembled to agree on the report. |
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| The results of the jury called
for a more comprehensive and community based approach to drugs education
and to educating children from primary school age. There were clear recommendations
for more flexibility in drug treatment options. The report and recommendations
were sent to a joint meeting of the Policy and Resources and Community Affairs
committees for consideration and from there to the full council. Key findings
were sent to other relevant agencies. The Council committed itself to use
the report as the basis of working with other relevant agencies and the
production of action plans in the areas of drug education, treatment and
drug related crime. In response to the jury, funding was provided for the
first year of a new drug education programme and an arrest referral scheme
was introduced. However there has been a clear reluctance on the part of
the health authority to pilot new approaches to treatment. It is clear that
the jury was able to push at the boundaries of innovative policy making
and challenge the apparent intractable nature of the problems of drug use.
It also offered an opportunity for both citizens and witnesses to be heard
in a public arena. Locally and nationally, the jury received a high level
of media coverage and publicity and achieved a significant political impact. |
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| Summary of Issues |
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| Representativeness: It
is impossible to construct a jury that accurately mirrors the wider population.
However, if the jury is to be small (12-16 citizens) it is particularly
important to employ selection criteria such as age, gender, race, education,
etc. to ensure that no section of the community is completely excluded.
Even with a larger project using several juries, random sampling will not
ensure that members of minorities within the population are given a voice.
The pilots that have been held in the UK have been composed of between 12-16
citizens. This does not compare favourably with the German experience where
planning cells have been composed of 25 citizens and a number of
cells have been run consecutively or in series to increase the number of
participants. Obviously this has cost implications. |
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| Cost: A single citizens'
jury costs £16-23,000. A planning cell consisting of 250 members costs approximately
£100,000. The cost has to be weighed against the desire to achieve greater
representativeness. |
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| Legitimacy: To ensure
that key actors support the process and all perspectives on issues are covered;
it is important that they are involved in the steering group that helps
shape the question, suggests witnesses and oversees the process. Key differences
between conflicting parties may also be clarified in this initial process.
To ensure that the process is not biased (probably the most damaging criticism
of the citizens' juries), it is important that they are run by an independent
organisation. Moderators need to be independent. A number of councils have
decided to run juries on their own (to save money) - however their independence
is questioned and thus the legitimacy of the process is undermined. |
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| Political Impact: The
key mechanism for seeking to ensure that the jury's conclusions have an
effect on policy making is the use of a contract between the commissioning
body, the facilitating organisation and the jury. |
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| Topic Choice: Reports
on trials of citizens juries show that when the topic is of real concern
to those taking part, there is a much higher level of interest in taking
part. Initial surveys may be done to find out what issues are highest on
the agenda of ordinary citizens. A high level of commitment and enthusiasm
on the part of the jury members clearly affects the possibility of arriving
at achievable policy recommendations and of implementing those recommendations
afterwards. |
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| Empowerment: Citizens
who have taken part in citizens' juries, particularly on issues which directly
concern them have said that the process gives them a sense of empowerment.
The jury gives citizens a chance to form realistic solutions to problems
which individuals cannot tackle alone but which can be taken on board through
collaborative efforts. Many of those who take part become more active citizens
afterwards because they have a sense that they can achieve something. |
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| Publicity: In order that the
jury process has a wider effect on the general public and other agencies,
it is important that the jury tackles a 'live' issue. Press and media interests
are then more likely to follow. |
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