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Checks and Balances in Single Chamber Parliaments
 
 
FOUR - THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT
 
This section reviews the Scotland Bill 1998 and the checks and balances it contains relating to the Scottish Parliament and the Scottish Executive. Legal and constitutional checks on the powers of a parliament and executive will always depend on the way the legal framework interrelates with the political behaviour and culture in the jurisdiction concerned. The following elements in the Scotland Bill are identified as potential checks on the powers of the Parliament and the Executive. They follow the same categorisation as in the previous chapter:
1 - Constitutional Framework, 2 - Parliament Design and Process, 3 - External Checks.
 
1 - Constitutional Framework
 
Electoral System
 
  • The proportional representation electoral system in Scotland is likely to provide a better quality check on the power of the parliament than a first past the post system. In principle it will enhance the Parliament's democratic legitimacy because parties will be represented in proportion to their support amongst voters.
  • A Parliament of 129 members is large enough for a well staffed committee system.
  • The fixed four year term of the Parliament, except in exceptional circumstances, will increase the authority of the Parliament in relation to the Executive.
  • Allowing the Lord Advocate and Solicitor General to sit and speak in the Parliament, without vote if they are not Members also means the Parliament will have the advantage of Scotland's senior law officers' input in its deliberations.
 
Quasi-Federal Relationship and Competence
 
  • Scotland will be in a position in relation to Westminster similar to that of Queensland or Quebec in relation to their federal capitals. The major difference for Scotland is that Westminster retains ultimate sovereignty, and is the guardian of Scotland's Constitution; retaining the power to over turn any legislative act of the Scottish Parliament. In this respect Scotland is closer to the position of the Australian self governing Territories
  • The Australian Northern Territory recently experienced the reality of Canberra's ultimate legislative power when Canberra overturned by federal statute a new Northern Territory law which legalised euthanasia. The federal statute was highly unusual and the political fall out in the Territory was significant, with the conservative Chief Minister (who was against euthanasia) decrying the passage of the federal legislation as an unwarranted intrusion in the autonomy of the Territory. The incident is an example that what may be constitutionally legitimate in legal terms may, as self governing areas became used to their legislative competence, be politically inappropriate.
  • As with the Canadian Provinces or the Australian States, the Scottish Parliament has the inherent limitation of being a parliament operating within a quasi-federal framework of delineated competency. Within the system there is another government (Westminster) operating which will be watching to ensure that the devolved assembly does not encroach on matters remaining within Westminster's exclusive competence. Additionally the competence of the Scottish Parliament is limited by the European Convention on Human Rights and European Law.
  • There is an intricate range of provisions to ensure that the Scottish Parliament stays within its competence. These range from pre-legislative scrutiny through to post-legislative judicial challenge.
  • In terms of protection of basic constitutional provisions, such as the term of the Parliament, or the electoral system, the Scottish Parliament will simply not have the power to amend those provisions, which, along with the rest of the Scotland Act, are reserved matters, beyond the Scottish Parliament's competence.
 
Relationship of the Scottish Executive to the Parliament
 
  • The Scottish Executive will be drawn from the Parliament and as in Westminster will be nominally answerable to the Parliament. Another innovation which is likely to enhance the Parliament's role as scrutineer of the Executive is that the First Minister must have the Parliament's approval of his or her choices for Ministers. Further, the Lord Advocate and Solicitor General are both to be Cabinet members, even if they are not Members of the Scottish Parliament.
 
2- Parliamentary Design and Procedure
 
Standing Orders
 
  • The Scottish Parliament must pass standing orders. The Scotland Bill contains a number of requirements for the Standing Orders which will provide checks on the power of the Parliament. Although a committee system is not mandated it is strongly contemplated. The standing orders provide for three main stages in consideration of bills:

1. a general debate on a bill's principles, with the opportunity to vote on the basic principles,

2. opportunity to debate and vote on the detail of bills (usually a committee stage), and

3. a final voting stage.

 
3 - External Checks
 
Audit
 
  • There is a wide ranging audit function provided for in clause 66 of the Bill. This clause requires the Parliament to create audit machinery capable, not just for dealing with matters of financial accountabilitv but also to consider issues of "economy, efficiency and effectiveness". The accounts prepared and reports written in connection with the audit are then placed before the Parliament.
 
Ombudsman
 
  • The Scottish Parliament' is to set up an office of Ombudsman along the lines oft he UK one, complete with the MP filter (clause 86).
 
Conclusion
 
The Scottish Parliament will have, in relation to the six other parliaments considered, a comprehensive range of checks on its powers. It will also have checks unique to its own constitution, such as the powers of the United Kingdom's Secretary of State for Scotland. The few extra checks which have been identified in other jurisdictions, which Scotland does not have, such as minority procedural rights, recall, or initiative, given the whole scheme of the Scotland Bill are not currently necessary.
 
The Bill should result in a Parliament which will serve Scotland well in the same vein as the Swedish Riksdag or the Danish Folketinget. Given the novelty of the arrangements contained in the Bill in the context of the United Kingdom's constitutional history, and the need to see how the system works in practice before making final judgements, it would be prudent to provide for two review mechanisms:
1. A Scottish Parliamentary Committee with an ongoing constitutional review function along the lines of the Swedish Committee on the Constitution, or the similar Queensland parliamentary committee, and
2. an independent review commission in Scotland meeting in five years time to consider the role of the Scottish Parliament in the evolving scheme of Scotland's and the United Kingdom's constitutional architecture.
 
The precise tilning of the review is a matter of political judgement: the interval proposed here would initiate the review towards the beginning of the second term of the new Parliament.
 
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