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8 Transport

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT

An efficient transport system is essential to Scotland's economy, communities, environment, health and general well being. Transport is important to everybody in Scotland: whether it be through reaching workplaces or schools, allowing access to shops or services, visiting friends and family, enjoying leisure services or increasing tourism.

Given its cross-cutting importance, improving transport and transport choices in Scotland will play a part in achieving three of the Government's five strategic objectives: ⁴⁶Enable businesses and people to increase their wealth and more people to share fairly in that wealth; Help local communities to flourish, becoming stronger, safer places to live, offering improved opportunities and a better quality of life; Improve Scotland's natural and built environment and the sustainable use and enjoyment of it.

The Scottish Household Survey is used specifically to monitor two national indicators associated with these objectives, measuring work travel choice (using the main survey) and congestion (using the travel diary, which is not presented in this report). The SHS also provides a wealth of other transport-related information that can be used to understand travel patterns and choices across Scotland as well as monitoring progress on the more detailed National Transport Strategy. ⁴⁷

This chapter presents SHS findings on the availability and use of cars and examines the relationship with household income, household type, deprivation and journey type. It presents information on adults possessing a full driving licence by age and gender, and summarises drivers' means of making various types of journeys. It looks at the typical modes used to travel to work and education and concludes by exploring personal safety on public transport.

CARS AND DRIVING

The dominance of car usage compared to other modes of transport, which has occurred alongside the growth of the economy, is likely to continue. ⁴⁸ However, reducing car-dependency can reduce congestion and emissions and contribute to improving journey times and connections within the transport network as a whole, both of which are strategic outcomes of the National Transport Strategy. This also reflects the transport element of the Scottish Government's performance framework and associated national indicators.

Availability of cars

This section explores the relationships between car availability and net annual household income, household type, and degree of rurality. Variation in the number of cars available to households is also considered according to deprivation and over time.

Cars are relatively widely available to households in Scotland; seven in ten households have at least one car available for private use (Table 8.1). There is a strong relationship between household earnings and car availability. A household with a high income (greater than £40,000 a year) is considerably more likely to have access to a car than a low-income household (less than £6,000).

Around four in ten households earning £10,000 or less have access to a car for personal use. For households earning over £10,000, the percentage increases with income. Once household income reaches over £25,000 a car is available to at least 9 in 10 households; over £40,000 income and virtually all (98%) households have access to a car (Table 8.1).

TABLE 8.1: WHETHER ANY CARS ARE NORMALLY AVAILABLE TO THE HOUSEHOLD FOR PRIVATE USE BY NET ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME
Column percentages, 2007 data

*All includes all adults for whom household income is known or has been imputed.
Household income in the SHS is that of the highest income householder and their partner only.

Table 8.2 shows the relationship between the type of household and the availability of a car. In most households (with the exception of single parent, single adult and single pensioner households) at least eight in ten have access to a car, rising to nine in ten large family households.

Only half of single parents have access to a car (48%), with just over a third (35%) of single pensioner households having access. Single adult households are slightly more likely to have access to a car (54%) than single parents.

TABLE 8.2: WHETHER ANY CARS NORMALLY AVAILABLE TO THE HOUSEHOLD FOR PRIVATE USE BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE
Column percentages, 2007 data

Unsurprisingly, car availability is higher in rural areas where there are fewer available alternatives; almost nine in ten households in these areas have access to a car, whereas a car is available to only six in ten households in large urban areas. Car availability is similar (at least 70%) in small towns, regardless of whether they are accessible or remote, and other urban areas. (Table 8.3)

TABLE 8.3: WHETHER ANY CARS NORMALLY AVAILABLE TO THE HOUSEHOLD FOR PRIVATE USE BY URBAN/RURAL CLASSIFICATION
Column percentages, 2007 data

As well as identifying whether a household has access to a car or not, respondents are also asked how many cars are available to the household. As discussed previously, seven in ten households normally have at least one car available to them for private use. Table 8.4 shows this to consist of 45% having access to one car and 25% having access to two or more cars for private use. As expected there is a marked difference between the most deprived areas and the rest of Scotland. ⁴⁹ Only 40% of households in the most deprived areas have access at least one car, with 33% having access to one and 7% having access to two or more. The equivalent figures for the rest of Scotland are 47% and 28% respectively.

TABLE 8.4: THE NUMBER OF CARS NORMALLY AVAILABLE TO THE HOUSEHOLD FOR PRIVATE USE BY SCOTTISH INDEX OF MULTIPLE DEPRIVATION
Column percentages, 2007 data

Figure 8.1 highlights the difference in car availability between deciles of the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation from most to least deprived areas. The percentage having no car access increases sharply from right to left, from the least deprived to the most deprived 10% of areas. Conversely, having two or more cars available for use by the household increases in the opposite direction, that is, from the most to the least deprived areas. With the exception of the 10% most deprived areas, over 40% of households have access to one car in all other deprivation deciles.

FIGURE 8.1: THE NUMBER OF CARS NORMALLY AVAILABLE TO THE HOUSEHOLD FOR PRIVATE USE BY SCOTTISH INDEX OF MULTIPLE DEPRIVATION
2007 data, Households (base: 13,414)

The final figure in this section (Figure 8.2) presents the number of cars normally available to the household for private use over time, since the survey began in 1999. It is clear the percentage of households having no access to a car for private use has decreased (7 percentage points since 1999). It follows that the proportion of car-using households has increased. As Figure 8.2 demonstrates, the increase is in multi-car access, rather than among households having one car available to them.

FIGURE 8.2: NUMBER OF CARS NORMALLY AVAILABLE TO THE HOUSEHOLD FOR PRIVATE USE BY YEAR
1999-2007 data, Households (2007 base: 13,414)

Type of driving licence

Table 8.5 shows the percentage of adults who hold a full driving licence by age within gender. The percentage of adults possessing a full driving licence peaks among 35 to 44 year olds (81%). Only around four in ten adults aged 17 to 24 or 75 and over hold a full driving licence. In all age groups, the proportion of men possessing a full driving licence is higher than that of women. The gap between men and women increases with age and is widest at the age of 75 and over. More than two in three (68%) men aged 75 and over hold a full driving licence compared to only one in four women of the same age.

TABLE 8.5: ADULTS WHO POSSESS A FULL DRIVING LICENCE BY AGE WITHIN GENDER
Cell percentages, 2007 data, Adults aged 17 and over

Additional tables providing further information on the availability of cars and driving licences are available on the SHS website. ⁵⁰

Making various types of journey

The National Transport Strategy highlights the importance of transport in allowing access to shops and services, friends and relatives and leisure activities. This next section examines the use of cars for a number of these types of journeys.

Respondents to the random adult questionnaire were asked whether or not they made a series of different types of journeys, and if so whether they always, sometimes or never made each one by car. The results are summarised in Table 8.6. All journeys are made frequently except visiting a library; almost one-third (31%) of drivers say they never make this journey. A similar percentage (33%) always uses a car, while a quarter (24%) of drivers never use a car to visit the library.

The journeys in Table 8.6 are ranked by the percentage always using a car to make them. Unsurprisingly supermarket shopping involves the highest level of car use; over eight in ten (86%) drivers always use a car with an additional 8% sometimes using a car. The use of a car for other trips is more varied (for example 46% always use a car, 28% sometimes use a car and 20% never use a car for small shopping trips). Over one in five (21%) drivers never uses a car when visiting a GP while one in twenty never uses a car to visit friends and relatives.

TABLE 8.6: DRIVERS' MEANS OF MAKING VARIOUS TYPES OF JOURNEYS
Row percentages, 2007 data

From June 2007, this question was asked of one-quarter of the sample. From January to May 2007, it was asked of half the sample.

TRAVEL TO WORK AND EDUCATION

In this section the modes adults use to access work and education and the modes children use to travel to school are analysed to identify relationships and assess change over time.

Adults travelling to work

One of the National Indicators used in the Scottish Government's performance framework is to: Increase the proportion of journeys to work made by public or active transport.

The indicator aims to reduce car dependency and subsequent congestion and harmful emissions, whilst making it easier to incorporate physical activity into daily routines thus contributing to a longer and healthier life. Progress may be achieved by increasing accessibility to public transport (rail, tram and bus), travel information, cycling and walking infrastructure, and therefore increasing choice.

Progress will be assessed using the proportion of adults usually travelling to work by car.

As Figure 8.3 shows almost 7 in 10 (69%) adults usually travel to work by car. ⁵¹ This has increased by 1.9 percentage points on 2006.

FIGURE 8.3: PERCENTAGE OF ADULTS USUALLY TRAVELLING TO WORK BY CAR*
1999 - 2007 data, Adults in work only, except those working from home (2007 base: 5,175)

*Question text includes car or van

Table 8.7 provides more detail on how adults have usually travelled to work since 1999. While there have been some small fluctuations, in general there have been no major shifts in the type of transport adults use as a means of travelling to work over time. The biggest changes have actually been within car use. The percentage of adults travelling to work as a driver has increased (54.7% in 1999 to 62.8% in 2007), while the percentage making the journey to work as a passenger in a car has decreased (11.8% in 1999 to 6.2% in 2007). The percentage of people who usually walk to work was lower in 2007 (11.8%) than it has been in any year since the survey started in 1999.

TABLE 8.7: HOW ADULTS USUALLY TRAVEL TO WORK ONLY BY YEAR
Column percentages, 2007 data

Adults travelling to work or education

To retain consistency with previous SHS reports, the remaining tables in this section explore how adults travel to work or education.

Almost three in five (59%) adults drive to work or education by car (Table 8.8), compared with 63% of those driving to work only as seen in the previous table.

Travel to work or education varies to some extent by gender although the pattern of different mode use is similar. Men are more likely to drive to work or education, whereas women are more likely to use a bus or walk to work or education.

TABLE 8.8: HOW ADULTS USUALLY TRAVEL TO WORK OR EDUCATION BY GENDER
Column percentages, 2007 data

Driving to work or education increases as household income increases. Almost one quarter (23%) of those in low-income households use this mode compared with almost three quarters (72%) of high-income households. In contrast the reverse is true of walking (45% in the lowest and 8% in the highest income band) and bus use (27% in the lowest and 8% in the highest income bands), where use declines as income increases (Table 8.9).

TABLE 8.9: HOW ADULTS USUALLY TRAVEL TO WORK OR EDUCATION BY NET ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME
Column percentages, 2007 data

*All includes all adults for whom household income is known or has been imputed.
Household income in the SHS is that of the highest income householder and their partner only.

The variation in driving or using a bus to travel to work or education by area is related to a complex mix of issues including the availability of alternatives and the difficulties associated with using modes (for example parking or congestion in large urban areas and proximity to work or education). Driving is highest in accessible rural areas (75% compared with 49% in large urban areas). Bus use is highest in large urban areas (20% compared with 7% in remote small towns). Over a quarter (27%) of adults walk to work in small remote towns, the highest percentage of any area. This may be partly due to a reduced possibility of commuting to a larger town or city to work and as a result a higher likelihood of being within walking distance of work or education than in dense urban areas (Table 8.10).

TABLE 8.10: HOW ADULTS USUALLY TRAVEL TO WORK OR EDUCATION BY URBAN/RURAL CLASSIFICATION
Column percentages, 2007 data

As might be expected from previous results, Table 8.11 shows that travelling to work or education as a driver of a car is less likely in the 15% most deprived areas of Scotland whereas travelling by bus and, to a lesser extent walking, is more likely in these areas than in the rest of Scotland.

TABLE 8.11: HOW ADULTS USUALLY TRAVEL TO WORK OR EDUCATION BY SCOTTISH INDEX OF MULTIPLE DEPRIVATION
Column percentages, 2007 data

Children traveling to school

The remaining tables in this section concentrate on how children travel to school. Information on travelling to school is collected from the household respondent about a randomly-selected school child within households containing at least one school child.

As Table 8.12 shows over half (53%) of school pupils walk to school. This reduces to around a third in rural areas, where pupils are more likely to have to travel longer distances to reach the school they attend. In contrast, in remote small towns more than two-thirds of pupils walk to school.

Over one in five (21%) children travel to school by bus. In remote rural areas this rises to half of pupils (50%) and over one-third (37%) among children in accessible rural areas, confirming that such children are more likely to travel longer distances to attend school.

Across Scotland as a whole, a similar proportion of children travel to school by car as by bus.
A small fraction of car journeys to school are as a driver.

TABLE 8.12: HOW SCHOOL CHILDREN NORMALLY TRAVEL TO SCHOOL BY URBAN/RURAL CLASSIFICATION
Column percentages, 2007 data

Table 8.13 investigates the relationship between the modes by which children usually travel to school and household income. In general, household income does not appear to have as strong an influence on choice of transport as where the school child lives (though of course, income to some extent may be related to household location and therefore be indirectly linked to mode choice). However, the percentage travelling to school by car increases as income increases. School children in households in the lowest income band are more likely to travel to school by bus than are any other group. Children living in high-income households are the least likely to walk to school, although almost half (45%) in this group still do walk.

TABLE 8.13: HOW SCHOOL CHILDREN NORMALLY TRAVEL TO SCHOOL BY NET ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME
Column percentages, 2007 data

*All includes all adults for whom household income is known or has been imputed.
Household income in the SHS is that of the highest income householder and their partner only.

Table 8.14 shows there has been very little change since 1999 in the mix of transport modes children use to travel to school.

TABLE 8.14: HOW SCHOOL CHILDREN NORMALLY TRAVEL TO SCHOOL BY YEAR
Column percentages, 2007 data

Table 8.15 examines the links between deprivation and transport used to travel to school. Children in households that are located in the 15% most deprived areas of Scotland are less likely to travel to school by car. There is little difference between those in the most deprived areas and pupils in the rest of Scotland in the use of other modes.

TABLE 8.15: HOW SCHOOL CHILDREN NORMALLY TRAVEL TO SCHOOL BY SCOTTISH INDEX OF MULTIPLE DEPRIVATION
Column percentages, 2007 data

PUBLIC TRANSPORT AND PERSONAL SAFETY

This section explores the issue of perceptions of personal safety while travelling on public transport in the evening. Feeling safe from crime is likely to be an important aspect in an individual's decision to use public transport. The frequency with which adults use buses and trains in the evening is presented, followed by the characteristics of those who do feel safe on public transport including those who regularly do and do not use it during the evening.

Similarly large proportions of adults never travel by bus (80%) or train (79%) in the evening. Of those who do, 12% of bus users and 15% of train users say they use them in the evening at least once a month or less often. There is little variation by gender (Table 8.16).

TABLE 8.16: FREQUENCY OF TRAVEL BY BUS AND TRAIN IN THE EVENING BY GENDER
Column percentages, 2007 data

The bus travel question was asked of the whole sample from January to May 2007 and three quarters of the sample from June 2007; the train travel question was asked of half the sample in 2007.

As shown in Table 8.17, frequency of bus use in the evening varies slightly by age. In particular the proportion of those never using a bus at all in the evening increases with age. For example, a little over six in ten (61%) of those aged 16 to 24 never use a bus in the evening compared with almost nine in ten (89%) of those aged 75 or older. This can obviously be linked to the incidence of the different age groups going out in the evenings, although this in not explored in the SHS.

TABLE 8.17: FREQUENCY OF TRAVEL BY BUS IN THE EVENING BY AGE
Column percentages, 2007 data

The bus travel question was asked of the whole sample from January to May 2007 and three quarters of the sample from June 2007.

Like buses, the proportion of individuals never using a train in the evening increases with age. In this case, seven in ten of those aged 16 to 24 never use a train at that time of day, compared with nine in ten of those aged 75 and over. Of the minority who do use a train in the evening, frequency of use also decreases as age increases (Table 8.18).

TABLE 8.18: FREQUENCY OF TRAVEL BY TRAIN IN THE EVENING BY AGE
Column percentages, 2007 data

The question was asked of half the sample in 2007.

Having established whether adults use a bus or train in the evening the questionnaire asks how safe from crime they feel (or would feel in the case of non-users) when travelling in the evening on a bus and on a train. Table 8.19 summarises the percentages saying they (would) feel very or fairly safe, presenting the results separately for users, non-users and all adults, and investigates differences by gender and age.

The results overall are similar for evening travel on both buses and trains. Considering all adults, over half (53%) (would) feel very or fairly safe from crime travelling by bus in the evening and almost half (49%) (would) feel very or fairly safe on a train. Within adults, perhaps unsurprisingly those who use the mode are more likely to say they feel safe on that mode than non-users (for example 83% of users of evening trains compared with 44% of non-users).

Again unsurprisingly, for both transport modes a higher percentage of men than women, regardless of whether they are users or not, (would) feel safe travelling in the evening (for example 61% of all men would feel safe on a bus in the evening compared with 46% of women).

The patterns between different ages and different mode use are not as obvious as those between genders. Broadly, adults aged 60 to 74, and particularly those aged 75 and over, are less likely to say they (would) feel safe than other age groups on both trains and buses in the evening, regardless of being an evening user or not. In contrast, adults aged 16 to 24 tend to say they (would) feel very or fairly safe more often than other adults. The main exception to this general age pattern is among users of evening buses, where the answers are more similar across the ages.

TABLE 8.19: SUMMARY TABLE - PERCEPTIONS OF SAFETY FROM CRIME DURING EVENING BUS AND TRAIN TRAVEL BY AGE AND GENDER (PERCENTAGES FEELING VERY OR FAIRLY SAFE)
Cell percentages, 2007 data

* Includes adults who 'don't know' if they have used public transport in the evening.
The bus travel question was asked of the whole sample from January to May 2007 and three quarters of the sample from June 2007; the train travel question was asked of half the sample in 2007.

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