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CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

Introduction

1.1 Accident statistics demonstrate that some drivers continue to take the risk of driving after drinking alcohol. In 2004 an estimated 710 accidents (5% of all accidents) involved drivers with illegal alcohol levels, resulting in 1,060 casualties (6% of all casualties). Thirteen percent of all people killed (n=40) and 6% of all those seriously injured (n=170) in road accidents in 2004 were involved in accidents where the drivers were found to have illegal alcohol levels (Scottish Government, 2005). Clearly those figures do not include drivers who drive with illegal alcohol levels without having an accident, and as a result underestimate the prevalence of drink-driving.

1.2 Road accident statistics published by the Scottish Government (2005) appear to show that the total number of accidents involving drivers who were found to have illegal alcohol levels ⁴ for driving has fallen by about 10% since 1994 ⁵. However, when five year rolling averages are used to smooth out the annual peaks and troughs, the long running trend suggests little or no change overall in that period. Of course, change or otherwise in the volume of accidents involving drink-driving does not necessarily imply that there has been a change in the prevalence or incidence of drinking and driving overall.

1.3 Various research studies have looked at the issue of drinking and driving. In 2001 the Scottish Government (then known as the Scottish Executive) commissioned System Three (then known as NFO) to undertake the first large-scale, structured survey investigating the claimed prevalence of drinking and driving and the characteristics of drivers who reported either driving within a few hours of consuming alcohol or, indeed, reported driving when they believed they had consumed a greater quantity of alcohol than is legally permitted ( NFO System Three Social, 2001). At that time, a majority of drivers (roughly 6 out of 10) reported they had driven a vehicle within a few hours of having something alcoholic to drink (though not necessarily above the alcohol limit) and 4 out of 10 had done so within the last year. Furthermore, around one in 5 drivers said they had driven when they thought they might be over the limit ever, and one in 20 admitted to having done so within the past year.

1.4 The Scottish Government and Road Safety Scotland commissioned TNS System Three to repeat the 2001 study to investigate changes in claimed prevalence and behaviour since it was undertaken. Recent conviction-based evidence suggests the profile of drivers who have consumed quantities of alcohol beyond the legal limit, and who are caught and prosecuted, is starting to change. In this new study, there is particular interest in measuring changes in prevalence in younger males, who emerged as a key risk group in the 2001 research, and women, among whom there appears to have been a higher than average percentage increase in convictions for drink-driving (albeit from a low base). For this latter group, it is unclear whether this apparent increase in convictions, in particular among the over 25s, represents real changes in prevalence and behaviour (which this report attempts to address) or is due to other factors (which is not within the remit of this study).

1.5 Another important area the report considers is drinking and driving behaviour on rural roads. Despite the fact that, as reported in the 2001 survey, people intuitively perceive illegal drink-driving to be a larger problem in rural areas, the researchers did not find conclusive evidence to support this, nor has any been found in subsequent research studies (for review see Hamilton and Kennedy, 2005).

1.6 The research also seeks to establish the main influences for drinking and driving behaviour, be they social, societal or, as some other research carried out to date suggests ( MRUK, 2004), based on perceptions of risk of detection and fear of the long-term consequences of enforcement. In 1997, System Three undertook research into the role of legal enforcement and penalties in influencing driving behaviour, including drinking and driving (System Three, 1997). The results demonstrated that illegal drink-driving was seen as a high risk activity, in particular in relation to the likelihood of injury or damage to their property and the extent to which the offence attracts social disapproval; being detected or punished was not considered as high a risk as either of these. The risk assessment that drivers apply in relation to drink-driving is investigated further in this study.

Aim and objectives

1.7 The main aim of the research was to establish trends in prevalence and incidence of, and current attitudes towards, drink-driving in Scotland in order to inform any future deterrence strategy and initiatives. There was a range of objectives within the overall aim including:

Prevalence/Incidence

• Estimate the prevalence and incidence of drink-driving in Scotland

'The Drink-Driver'

• Establish motivations both for drinking and driving and for not drinking and driving. Ascertain whether there are any characteristics (demographic or otherwise) emerging of people who say they drink and drive
• Explore the concept of the 'drink-driver' with particular reference to young males, the female population and driving on rural roads
• Establish the current state of knowledge of what constitutes a 'safe amount', and the driver's perception of the riskiness of their behaviour in relation to the possible consequences of drinking and driving

Attitudes

• Explore attitudes to drinking and driving both of those who engage in this behaviour and those who do not
• Examine this topic with particular reference to the groups mentioned above (e.g. young males, women and drivers in rural areas)

Tracking Changes

• Identify any changes in the prevalence, incidence, and behaviours of drink-drivers in comparison with the 2001 research results
• Establish current attitudes and track any changes in the degree to which drink-driving is perceived as 'anti-social' behaviour

The Future

• Provide advice on future target audiences and drink-drive strategies for campaign/publicity initiatives
• Suggest gaps in the evidence base where further research may be required

Report structure

1.8 This report is designed to provide a comprehensive overview of the behaviour, circumstance and attitudes related to drink-driving, providing evidence for use in developing related policy and strategy. It is also intended to be forward-looking, providing input into future publicity and educational activities that will address the continuing occurrence of drinking and driving.

1.9 The study included a survey of drivers and qualitative research among people who drink and drive. The results from the qualitative research have been used to illuminate and explain issues arising from the survey of drivers. In turn, the survey has provided an indication of the extent of particular attitudes and behaviours identified in the qualitative research. Both sets of results have been drawn on in each of the appropriate chapters that follow. Comparisons are also drawn throughout the report, as appropriate, between the current findings and those of the 2001 research.

1.10 The methods used for the survey and qualitative research are set out in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 describes the sample that was achieved in the survey of drivers, showing how it compares to the sample interviewed in the previous survey. In Chapter 4, who drinks and drives is investigated, based on the prevalence and incidence of drinking and driving behaviour among different groups of drivers. The situations in which people drink and drive are described in Chapter 5 and their attitudes towards drinking and driving are explored in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 explores what deters people from drinking and driving. In the final chapter, Chapter 8, the various findings are drawn together into conclusions which focus on the particular issues and groups highlighted in the introduction above, providing recommendations for future communications strategies and activities.

A note on terminology

1.11 Throughout the report, the term 'drinking and driving' is used to refer broadly to the act of driving a motor vehicle within a few hours of consuming alcohol, though not necessarily leading to a blood alcohol level over the legal limit. This behaviour is permitted within the current law, provided that the blood alcohol level of the driver remains within the limit. The term 'drink-driving' is used solely to refer to the illegal behaviour of consuming an amount of alcohol that results in higher levels of alcohol in the blood than allowed by law, prior to driving a motor vehicle. At present this limit is of 80 milligrams (mg) of alcohol per 100ml of blood, which equates to 35 micrograms (mcg) of alcohol per 100ml of breath.

1.12 It should also be noted that it is outwith the scope of research of this type to assess in any objective way whether a respondent was within or over the legal alcohol limit prior to driving and, therefore, all measures reported in this document are based on self-assessment.

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