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5 Community Profile

5.1 Introduction

This research undertook to find out more about the population of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh. Through use of official statistics, it has been possible to gain a better indication of the size and national breakdown of this new group in the city. However it has not been possible to give an accurate figure for the number of EU8 migrants in the city, for reasons which will be explored below. A sample of 67 Edinburgh-based EU8 migrants was surveyed. This exercise has given some indication about the age, gender, skill-set and intention to remain in the UK of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh. In addition, it has given some signals about the employment experience of this group. Information was also gathered about the experiences of EU8 migrants regarding housing and access to a range of services. This has given some useful information about the level of access to services and includes suggestions about how service information can be made available to EU8 migrants in Edinburgh. Overall, the community profile information gathered from both official statistics and the survey offers a useful starting point to plan the integration of this new population into Edinburgh and ensure that their needs are taken into account when planning services.

5.2 Official Statistical Information

The size and national breakdown of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh

There are some useful sources with which we can begin to estimate the size of the migrant workforce:

• National Insurance Number ( NINo) Registration records, giving information about those from the EU8 who have applied for National Insurance Numbers in Edinburgh
• Accession Monitoring Report May 2004-September 2006 (November 2006), giving information about those registered with the Worker Registration Scheme ( WRS) - breakdown by local authority is not available

These data sources are useful, but can not be treated as giving a definitive account of the number of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh because the figures given do not include:

• those who might have applied/registered in another part of the UK and subsequently migrated to Edinburgh
• those who came to Edinburgh and have never applied for a NINo and/or registered with the WRS (this could include dependents; those not required to register; and those not registered although required to do so)

Conversely, the figures do include:

• those who, having applied/registered whilst in Edinburgh, have subsequently moved away from Edinburgh

National Insurance Number registration data April 2004-March 2006

*1,310 registrations were in 2004/5, 4720 in 2005/6

The data suggests that whilst Edinburgh is a common destination for EU8 migrants, it is a more common destination for migrants from elsewhere. It is interesting to compare numbers of EU8 migrants from each of the new member states and with other areas of the world, as follows:

EU8 migrants in Edinburgh compared with all overseas migrants in Edinburgh, based on NINo registrations

*The predominance reflects the fact that the population of Poland (approximately 38 million) exceeds that of the other seven EU8 states combined.
**North America comprises Canada and the United States. Australasia comprises Australia and New Zealand.

The NINo registration figure of 6,030 for EU8 migrants in Edinburgh can only be seen as part of the picture. This position has been taken for a number of reasons. As we will be exploring in more detail in section 5.3, our survey with EU8 migrants in Edinburgh indicated that not all have an NINo registration. This is either because they have chosen not to apply or because it is not necessary for them to do so ( e.g. they are a dependent). Our survey shows there is movement between areas within the UK and that members of the EU8 migrant population are not consistent in their intentions relating to length of stay. Finally, there is no data relating to the number of migrants leaving the UK.

There are some other factors which can be taken into consideration when looking at the size of the EU8 migrant population in Edinburgh. For example, Edinburgh has a comparatively buoyant labour market and it is plausible that this will make the city an attractive destination for EU8 migrants - either as an initial destination, or subsequent to arriving elsewhere in the UK. There is some evidence that this is the case in a survey commissioned by the BBCNewsnight programme with CRONEM²⁸, in which a higher proportion of those Polish migrants surveyed in Edinburgh and London wished to remain permanently in the UK than in the other locations (20% as opposed to an average of 15%).

Therefore, it is extremely difficult to assess with any degree of accuracy the number of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh. However, it is likely that the figure of around 6,000 is a conservative estimate.

Worker Registration Scheme data

As of 1 May 2004, EU8 nationals have been required to register with the Home Office under the Worker Registration Scheme ( WRS) within 30 days from the start of employment in the UK (unless they are exempt from registration). They are issued with a Worker Registration Card, which is valid for twelve months and a Worker Registration Certificate for each employer they work for.

WRS data does not seem to offer a higher degree of accuracy than NINo figures. Indeed, the figures reiterate problems with making an accurate estimate of the size of the EU8 migrant population in Edinburgh. WRS data is not broken down by local authority area. However, in the period 2004-06, 37,570 ²⁹EU8 migrants registered with the WRS in Scotland, a slightly lower number than registered for a NINo. This is possibly due to the cost to migrants of registering with the WRS (currently £70) acting as a disincentive.

There is evidence that not all EU8 migrant workers have registered with the scheme: the CRONEM research indicated that of 505 Polish migrants surveyed from seven urban areas including Edinburgh, only 64% had registered with the WRS. These figures showed strong variations by age, intended length of stay, and region ³⁰. Only 49% of our survey sample said they had registered with the scheme. The scheme also does not encompass those not working and those who are self-employed or otherwise exempt from registration.

Figures for NINo registrations continue to be made available and are annually updated. These offer, at present, the most accurate indication of the extent of the EU8 migrant population in Edinburgh. To provide a more accurate or reliable estimation of the number of EU8 nationals resident in Edinburgh would require undertaking longitudinal research with a much larger sample, taking into account those people coming to the city from other parts of the UK; those leaving either Edinburgh or the UK as a whole; and the number of dependants of those already allocated NINos.

Policy relating to the admission of Bulgarians and Romanians to the UK in January 2007 is being formed at time of writing. It is possible but not certain that there may be a rise in what will become the EU10 migrant population - possible factors affecting this are likely to be:

• UK-wide policy on admission for the two new states
• The widening of the admission of EU8 migrants to other countries in the EU: restrictions imposed by most existing EU members in 2004 are time limited. In July 2006 five further EU countries (Spain, Portugal, Finland, Greece and Italy) opened their markets to EU8 migrants
• The size of the populations of Romania (eight million) and Bulgaria (22 million) ³¹
• Unemployment rates in EU8 nations and the two new accession states

5.3 Edinburgh EU8 Migrants survey

The survey of this group (information about sample and method is given in section 4) has given an insight into the EU8 migrant population in Edinburgh. The size of the sample means that we can only treat findings as an indication of this new community, rather than a definitive and an accurate picture. This is particularly the case as more people from the EU8 countries continue to arrive.

Our survey contains respondents from seven of the EU8 states as shown in the table below.

EU8 migrants by nationality

The national composition of our sample bears some resemblance to other data sources covering both the UK as a whole and the Highlands & Islands Enterprise area. However, it is likely that our survey under-represents Polish nationals.

Gender, dependents, age, reason for coming to the UK and intention to remain

Gender

In our survey a majority (37) of respondents were men with 30 women. This is similar to the WRS breakdown across the UK which showed a 58% to 42% split. Similarly, the age profile of our sample is similar to that of WRS across the UK.

Dependents

Most of our respondents were single. 14 were married or in a long-term partnership. Almost a quarter of respondents (15) were parents, with around half of these having their children with them in Edinburgh. In comparison, WRS data suggests that, UK wide, only 7% of those registered had children with them. Data obtained from the City of Edinburgh Council Children and Families Department - English as Additional Language Service shows that, as of the end of September 2006, 368 children of EU8 migrants have been identified as requiring EAL support since their enrolment into primary and secondary schools in Edinburgh. This implies there is a significant number of migrant families from EU8 countries.

Age

Most migrants in our sample (58) are in the 18-34 age bracket, which corresponds to 82% of WRS registrations.

Reasons for coming to the UK

Strikingly, all of our respondents stated that the prime reason for leaving their countries of origin was to improve their financial situation through working in the UK. The key motivation for migration came out very clearly as the pursuit of a higher standard of living. Low wages combined with relatively high cost of living and lack of employment prospects in their home countries were the main driving forces for our respondents' migration.

Other, though secondary, reasons given for the respondents leaving their countries were:

• Gaining life experience through living in a different country
• Improving English language skills
• Taking up studies in the UK

Although this was not cited by our respondents, other evidence demonstrates that EU8 migration is likely to be connected with relatively high unemployment rates in some EU8 countries. Data published by Eurostat ³⁵ shows that in, the final quarter of 2005, Poland and Slovakia had the highest unemployment rates in EU8 group (17% and 15.4% respectively). By comparison, the unemployment rate for the UK was 5.1%.

Reasons for coming to Edinburgh

Out of our sample, most respondents (52) stated that Edinburgh was their intended destination in the UK. Respondents gave two main reasons for choosing Edinburgh. The most common, mentioned by 37 of respondents, was that friends or family were already staying in Edinburgh. The next most common was that respondents had some kind of accommodation pre-arranged in the city (21 respondents). There were also other less prevalent reasons which suggest that Edinburgh has a good reputation for offering opportunities and a good quality of life, as follows: seven had employment pre-arranged in Edinburgh before their arrival - all seven had friends or family to stay with, or other accommodation pre-arranged; others had been to Edinburgh before, had liked it and chosen to return; others followed the recommendations of friends or acquaintances; and three respondents specifically chose Edinburgh to further their studies.

A fifth of our respondents (14) arrived in the city via other places in the UK. This latter group had previously lived in areas across the UK such as Northern Ireland, London, Manchester and Brighton. Losing employment was the most common factor in deciding to move to Edinburgh from other parts of the UK.

Staying in Edinburgh

Our survey suggested a community which finds itself relatively comfortable in Edinburgh, with almost a quarter who expressed the wish to settle permanently. These findings are echoed by the CRONEM research with 505 Polish migrants, in which 15% reported their intention to stay permanently, with a further 23% planning to stay for more than two years. These figures have been added to the table below for comparison ³⁶.

Length of anticipated stay

This information will help to inform the future picture of the size of the EU8 migrant population in Edinburgh, indicating the extent to which migrants remain and the numbers intending to move on.

Employment experience and type of work undertaken by EU8 migrants in Edinburgh

Employment levels and finding work

Almost all survey respondents (64) were currently in employment. Only three respondents were currently out of work: two were actively seeking employment; the other had just given birth to a child and was not currently seeking paid work. 12 respondents had pre-arranged employment before arrival in Edinburgh.

Employed respondents found work through the following means:

• 38 through a personal contact (usually friends or family already in Edinburgh)
• 6 through the JobCentre
• 5 through advertisements in the local press
• 5 through employment agencies
• 15 through: advertisements in shop windows; internet sites; or speculative applications to various employers

Experience of the Worker Registration Scheme

In our survey, 33 are registered with WRS. Unregistered respondents include those who are self employed (and do not need to register); those looking for work and who have not yet registered; and those who work and did not register. Of all those within our survey who are required to register (and who answered this question) just over half say that they actually have registered.

The survey did not specifically explore reasons for not registering. However, in the opinion of the volunteers who helped respondents to complete survey questionnaires, the main reasons for not registering are likely to be:

• The relatively high cost of registration charge (currently £70). For individuals in low-paid (and perhaps insecure) employment, spending £70 in the first 30 days of employment may prove prohibitively expensive
• Lack of intention to stay in Edinburgh. Given some respondents intended to stay in the UK for short periods of time they could not see the benefit in registering (especially given the £70 charge)
• Not knowing about the requirement to register: in our survey, over a tenth of working respondents were unaware that they were required to register

Types of work

Most respondents were employed in the service sector (hospitality, catering and retail). It is not clear whether the concentration of migrants in this sector is a function of our sample - given that 'snowballed' samples may produce a sample clustered around points of contact, such as employment - or whether it indicates something different about the Edinburgh labour market.

Sectors employing EU8 nationals

In terms of its employment profile, our sample is somewhat different from that suggested by WRS data. In this data, 20% are working in Hospitality and Catering and 33% in Administration. Whilst this might reflect the way in which our sample was collected (snowballing method), it may also reflect the particular nature of Edinburgh's labour market.

Educational Attainment

Our survey indicated that there is a mismatch between educational attainment and type of work undertaken by EU8 migrants in the Edinburgh. Half of all respondents had graduated from University and half had ceased their formal education at secondary level. However, most respondents are employed in relatively low-skilled (and low-paid) jobs. There are several possible reasons for this. First, a low level of written and spoken English prevents some migrants accessing more highly-skilled posts. Second, the recruitment process for low-skilled jobs tends to be faster and less complex, therefore such jobs are more accessible for new migrants who are keen to earn wages as soon as possible on arrival. Often these jobs are secured through word of mouth from friends and relatives. Given that many within the sample are well-qualified, well-motivated and geographically mobile, it is possible that they will become dissatisfied if higher-skilled and better paid employment opportunities do not arise.

Housing

All of our respondents from the general sample (Group A) were in accommodation at the time of our survey.

Accommodation on arrival

Around two-thirds (49 respondents) had arranged accommodation in Edinburgh prior to their arrival; the remainder (18) had not. Most of those pre-arranging accommodation were joining friends or family, so had somewhere to stay immediately upon arrival. A small number had pre-arranged private rented accommodation (six respondents) or had a place booked in a backpacker hostel (two respondents). Those who arrived without pre-arranged accommodation used tourist hostels, bed and breakfast hotels, or stayed temporarily with friends until they found accommodation.

Finding accommodation

Almost all of our respondents lived in private rented accommodation. 40 respondents reported that they had no problems finding accommodation. However, 27 respondents did experience difficulties, including: high rental prices (nine respondents); affording deposits (seven respondents); and providing references from previous landlords (four respondents). A further seven respondents reported other problems, for example: not knowing which area of Edinburgh they should choose to live in; landlords refusing to accommodate migrants because of HMO regulations (see appendix (iii)); and the lack of a bank account or proof of current address.

Very few of those who experienced problems in finding accommodation looked for help. The seven respondents who did so said that they had turned to:

• Friends and acquaintances (three respondents)
• Citizens Advice Bureau (two respondents)
• City of Edinburgh Council Housing Department (one respondent)
• Internet search (one respondent)

Those who had not sought assistance identified three main reasons for not looking for help with finding accommodation:

• Not knowing where to look for help
• Not understanding entitlements to help
• Language barrier, meaning difficulties with understanding advice given by local services about entitlements

Rent levels, quality of accommodation and sharing

Shared accommodation in the private rented sector was most usual for our respondents. The average rent is £208 per person, per month with rents ranging from £120 for roomshare to £500 for a one-bedroom flat. Only two respondents were in council or housing association accommodation and one respondent was staying temporarily with friends.

Information was requested about the number of bedrooms (or rooms used as bedrooms) and the number of residents in their current home to identify any evidence of overcrowding. Respondents lived in accommodation ranging from one to seven bedrooms. The information tabulated below includes the housemates of respondents, rather than just the respondents alone. In addition, some respondents lived with their spouse or partner and dependents, which increases the reported number of people per room.

Property size and number of tenants

Problems with accommodation

When asked about accommodation problems about one-third of respondents reported that they had experienced difficulties of some kind. Most common amongst these were overcrowding - which is supported to an extent by the previous table. There is some anecdotal evidence of overcrowding for EU8 migrants identified through HMO inspections but no systematic data is available at this time to support this. The table below gives a summary of the problems with housing reported by our sample:

Problems encountered in current accommodation*

*Many respondents offered more than one difficulty

Almost two-thirds of respondents had signed a lease and were protected by a tenancy agreement; the remainder did not have a lease. This is troubling, when considered in conjunction with the number of people reporting that they do not know their rights towards their landlords; that they are subject to harassment; or that they do not know how to access advice services.

Access to Health and Social Care services

Health services

Most respondents regarded themselves as healthy. More than half of the respondents (39) said that they knew how to access NHS services. Only 24, however, had registered with a GP, suggesting that a substantial proportion of migrants either do not know how to register for a GP or do not feel they need to at present.

A substantial minority of respondents (29) had used NHS services since arriving in Edinburgh. The most commonly used services were GPs (used by 16 respondents); Accident & Emergency services (ten respondents); and dental services (eight respondents). Seven respondents reported having health problems, five of whom were currently receiving regular health care.

Types of health services accessed by EU8 nationals*

* Some respondents reported using more than one NHS service

There appears to be a significant number of respondents reporting to Accident and Emergency Units. This may reflect the fact that this population either does not know how to register with a GP, as suggested above, or do not think they will be here long enough to justify the perceived inconvenience of registering.

Social Care services

Respondents were also asked whether they had ever felt the need to access social care services during their stay in Edinburgh. A small number (six) had experienced the need for assistance in relation to issues such as the welfare needs of their children; mental health issues; and learning difficulties. However, only one of these respondents contacted a service (in this case with regard to his learning difficulties) and reported receiving a good service. The remaining five said that the reasons they had not contacted any social care service for help were:

• Not knowing where to look for assistance
• Not knowing about entitlements to assistance
• Language barrier

This information about access to social care services gives useful feedback; however it is based on such a small number of responses that these findings must be used with caution.

Ways in which service information can be made available to EU8 migrants

Our survey investigated the extent to which respondents gained information about Edinburgh before they arrived. Respondents were also asked how they subsequently gained information and advice about living in the city once they had arrived. The respondents were asked their opinions about how information could be imparted to EU8 migrants, both before and after arrival. From this, a useful indication emerged of the types of information that would be helpful to this group and how services could adapt to enable greater accessibility for EU8 migrants.

Information and preconceptions about Edinburgh

Respondents were asked whether they felt they had possessed sufficient knowledge about life in the UK prior to their arrival in Edinburgh. Most respondents (50) felt both that they did have sufficient knowledge about life in the UK before leaving their country of origin, and that the reality that they have found here reflects their expectations. The minority of respondents who did not feel they had sufficient knowledge about life in the UK gave a variety of reasons why, including unanticipated problems with speaking English; cost of living; and feelings of isolation due to the language barrier:

I thought my command of English was good but when I came here I realized it's very poor and that I don't understand much.
(Female, aged 21)

Opinions on how information can be imparted to EU8 migrants before and after arrival

Respondents were invited to identify what they felt were appropriate means to distribute information to EU8 migrants in Edinburgh. The most commonly mentioned means were: through the internet (mentioned by 58 respondents); via information packs (29 respondents); leaflets (20 respondents); and a telephone advice service (20 respondents). Other suggestions included a specialist signposting service; articles and notices in the local press; and information events aimed at the EU8 migrant community.

Respondents were asked where they thought would be the best places to disseminate certain forms of information ( e.g. leaflets and information packs) to EU8 nationals. Suggestions included:

• JobCentres
• Airports
• Employment agencies
• Bus and train stations
• Pubs and clubs
• Libraries
• Homeless and social care services
• Council offices
• Churches
• Lidl and other supermarket stores

Types of information to be included for EU8 migrants before and after arrival

Those surveyed had some useful indications of the types of information which would be useful for EU8 migrants arriving and settling in Edinburgh. These included:

• Financial matters: UK tax system; opening a bank account; cost of living in Edinburgh
• Information about services and local facilities: types of available accommodation; securing accommodation; UK healthcare system; welfare benefits; social behaviour; customs and cultural issues
• Employment and self-employment: Worker Registration Scheme; ways of securing employment; setting up a business

Improving accessibility to services for EU8 migrants

Respondents were asked how accessibility to services could be developed in Edinburgh. The small minority of respondents who had accessed services were happy with them. However, there were three main suggestions relating to increased accessibility:

• Staff who speak both English and EU8 languages being employed in services
• A increase in information in EU8 languages about available services
• A specialized information/signposting centre for EU8 migrants, ensuring access to relevant mainstream services, with interpreters or staff who speak EU8 languages

In addition, respondents suggested that personal contact with staff would be preferable to phone or advice line support. There was one suggestion for a specialist accommodation centre for EU8 migrants.

5.4 Conclusion

It is difficult to give an accurate figure of the size of the EU8 migrant population in Edinburgh. However, a conservative estimate, based on NINo allocations, is 6,000: this is the number of EU8 migrant NINo allocations in Edinburgh. It will be interesting to see how these numbers are affected by the increase in the EU member countries allowing EU8 migrants to cross their borders and the accession of Bulgaria and Romania.

The population of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh is predominantly young and usually single, but there is evidence of families in the city. Many have moved here to improve their financial situation through gaining work and Edinburgh has been seen as attractive, both as a "nice place to live" but also as a place where there is work. At least half of the sample seemed intent on staying for more than two years. There is evidence of people coming to Edinburgh due to connections with friends and family, which is supported by the indication that people are finding work through social networks. The mismatch between educational attainment and working in low-skilled jobs is interesting. It would be necessary to undertake further study about this mismatch to ascertain job mobility over a longer period of time.

Most of our sample was living in shared private rented accommodation, with some evidence of crowding. It seemed the case that EU8 migrants are not accessing advice about accommodation. Health and Social Care services are being accessed by a small group, where necessary. It is unclear whether this lack of access to advice and services is as a result of lack of need or lack of knowledge. Whilst most respondents seemed to know about Edinburgh before they arrived, there were a range of suggestions relating to the type of information which would be useful to migrants, both before moving and after. In addition, suggestions covered how information and services might be made accessible. These highlighted the issue of language as a real barrier.

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