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ANNEX 3 -2006 QUALITATIVE STUDY RESULTS

SECTION ONE - INTRODUCTION

1.1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 DTZ, in conjunction with Research Resource and Dudleston Harkins Social Research, were commissioned to undertake research into Parents' Access to and Demand for Childcare Survey (2006) on behalf of the Scottish Executive Education Department, Children, Young People and Social Care Group.

1.2 This paper presents the results from the qualitative element of the broader childcare study comprising a range of research methods aimed at providing a detailed assessment of issues relating to parents' perceptions of access to, and demand for, childcare. The objectives of the overall research include the following.

• To establish the current levels of use of childcare by parents of children aged 0-14 years (to be broken down by these specific age ranges: 0-3, 4-5, 6-10 and 11-14) in terms of the types and quantities of provision that are used and how they compare with the 2000/04 survey(s).
• To investigate parental motivation in the choice of childcare services and identify any differences among groups of parents.
• To explore the patterns of demand for childcare, looking specifically at when childcare is required and what type is preferred. To identify and explore 'gaps' that parents have encountered in the current provision of childcare and details of barriers.
• To ask parents' opinions about various aspects of their current childcare arrangements, such as their convenience, quality and cost and what their priorities are in terms of future childcare requirements.
• To assess the financial cost of paid childcare, by type of provision and age range, and assess the impact of government measures to support parents with childcare costs, e.g. child tax credit, childcare vouchers and free pre-school education.
• To ascertain how much parents know about local childcare services, where they source information about childcare providers and where more information is needed. To look specifically at parents' use, and awareness, of local Childcare Information Services.
• To explore real choices that parents have made in deciding to return to work/study and the extent to which childcare availability, accessibility and cost have placed constraints on the type of job and pattern of work they chose.

1.3 A large-scale, quantitative survey of 1,304 parents was undertaken. The methodology used in the 2006 study differs from the previous childcare studies, in that we agreed following the pilot that it was important to talk to parents not using childcare and subsequently ensured that they would be routed to the relevant questions in the quantitative questionnaire. In 2006, we interviewed all parents with children in the relevant age category and, of those, 642 parents (49% of those interviewed) use childcare.

1.4 The advantage of the methodology used in the current study is that it allows a much more accurate assessment of true demand and drivers for childcare and a more robust process of applying the findings to the population as we have a representative sample of parents not just those who currently use childcare (or have done so in the recent past).

1.5 The qualitative research element presented in this paper forms a key part of the findings of the study, with the specific aims of:

• Providing the basis for an assessment of the current use of childcare services
• Measuring the effectiveness to date of the Childcare Strategy in responding to parental demand
• Assisting in planning the future development of the Childcare Strategy
• Assisting in Ministerial planning for the future of local Childcare Information Services

1.2. METHODOLOGY

1.6 It was considered important to include a qualitative element to the overall project in order to be able to place decisions that parents make about childcare in context and gather opinions of various aspects of current childcare arrangements within this context. For example, the previous study revealed that parents arranged their working and social lives around childcare provision, rather than being able to find appropriate childcare to suit their own arrangements. It was important to probe opinions towards this situation in more detail, in order to determine how much real choice parents feel they have in deciding on childcare arrangements or indeed, whether to use any childcare at all. The qualitative element has sought to understand and explore the attitudes and emotions of participants and through this identify core drivers of behaviour in relation to the differing circumstances of participating households. In particular, this part of the work aims to understand parents by exploring their core needs and motivations for using and not using different forms of childcare and not using childcare at all.

1.7 The key to good qualitative research is getting below the superficial responses to the values and inner personal emotions that ultimately are the core drivers of behaviour. That is, to investigate parental motivation in the choice of childcare providers and to explore real choices that parents have made in relation to their childcare decisions rather than simply assuming that choices are constrained mainly by cost or local provision and availability. Conversely, what the qualitative element does not aim to do is quantify the attitudes and experiences of parents. Quantification and measurement is undertaken by the quantitative survey and this report aims to add depth and insight rather than incidence or magnitude. However, where a problem or view is very commonly experienced by participants, this is indicated by the reporting language - i.e. reference is made to 'a common view' or 'a common experience.' Where the experience or issue was more limited ( i.e. only mentioned by a small number of participants) or specific to a geographical area or sub-group of parents ( i.e. more commonly experienced by those in rural areas), this is again reflected in the reporting language. It should, however, be noted, that as a qualitative piece of work, no experience is more important than any other as the aim is for breadth and depth rather than measurement or setting of priorities.

1.8 The qualitative study comprised in-depth interviews with sixty parents recruited from among participants in the quantitative survey. Key characteristics of participants who had agreed to participate in further research were identified from the quantitative data in order to generate a pool of participants across a range of situations and circumstances as follows:

• 'Typical' parents - two earner households or households where one partner stays at home to provide childcare
• Lone parents
• Young parents
• Student parents
• Parents and families living in deprived areas and parents and families living on low incomes
• Ethnic minority parents
• Parents of older children
• Parents and families living in rural areas
• Parents of disabled children or children with special needs and parents of children with special educational needs ( SEN)
• Parents in receipt of Child Tax Credit and parents receiving childcare vouchers
• Parents who use free pre-school education and parents with children who are eligible but do not use pre-school education

1.9 A comprehensive list of potential participants based on the list above was generated, and between 10 and 15 in each category (or combination of categories) were purposefully selected to be invited to take part in the research in order to provide both categorical and geographical coverage. The aim was to cover a real range of experiences of those in different circumstances and geographical areas. Obviously, these groups are not mutually exclusive, as parents may fall into several of these categories ( e.g. young and single parents, rural, SEN and low income). In terms of geography, the sample stretches from the southern Scottish Borders to Orkney with coverage from west to east as well as north to south. Once potential respondents indicated a willingness to be contacted by researchers about the qualitative research, they were contacted to arrange an appointment for an interview in their own homes (unless they expressed a preference for another location). Fieldwork was undertaken both in and out of usual office hours to ensure as many people as possible could participate.

1.10 The qualitative research was conducted by Dudleston-Harkins Social Research Ltd, an independent research company, meaning we could ensure complete confidentiality for all participants. The interviews were tape recorded and fully transcribed with the permission of the respondent and participants were reassured that no names or any other information potentially allowing their identification would be used in any report or presentation. Additionally, tapes and transcripts were labelled in a coded way (rather than with participants names) to ensure confidentiality. After completion of the research, all tapes and other materials will be destroyed in a safe way (once the final report has been accepted and signed off by the Scottish Executive). Electronic transcripts will be stored for three years in accordance with the terms of the contract. Further information on qualitative research interview procedures and research ethics is included in Appendix A.

1.3. ANALYSIS OF QUALITATIVE RESULTS

1.11 The approach to the qualitative analysis was refined during the fieldwork period to reflect the emerging themes and issues. An analytical framework was developed to ensure that all interviews were analysed in a consistent manner. This framework was based on the topic guide but with flexibility to allow consideration of additional issues raised by respondents. This has facilitated rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the transcripts in a transparent way that will enable the logic of the conclusions drawn from the interviewer evidence to be traced. This type of analysis is sometimes referred to as 'pen and paper matrix analysis'. Both the researcher conducting the interview and an additional researcher read the interview transcripts and completed this framework to help to ensure objectivity when analysing responses. Views and experiences of: the client, before and during the project, the research participants and the research team have been taken into account in writing up the analysis in order to produce findings that are meaningful.

1.12 The intention of the analysis was to consider the potentially differing views and experiences of the sub-groups. This analysis also sought to identify any key issues, related to childcare, for all parents regardless of their sub-group, and/or where particular similarities and differences reflect individual preferences rather than particular demographic or economic characteristics. The preliminary analysis (backed up by further analysis) indicated that there were some issues emerging for some of the specified groups such as parents of disabled or SEN children and low income parents, for example, that membership of these groups do not necessarily account for differences in approaches to childcare, but other factors (particularly social and economic class) are more important factors. More generally, what has emerged from the analysis is that there are key issues for all parents regardless of their sub-group, with particular similarities and differences reflecting individual preferences rather than reflecting particular demographic or economic characteristics. On the other hand, some patterns exist which are discussed as they emerge.

1.13 Perhaps key groups for analysis, which were not previously identified in the sampling as a focus for the study, are parents who do not have any family living in the local area and those of differing social class or socioeconomic group. The former group has emerged as facing particular difficulties in relation to childcare, e.g. in relation to participation in paid work. In relation to social class or socioeconomic group, differences appear related to views and values on the role of mothers and the education of children among members of these different classes/groups. Another group emerging as having particular issues are those involved in shift work. As will be demonstrated this can either be a real benefit for some families or a real challenge for others depending on their shift patterns, the attitude of employers and different childcare arrangements.

1.4. STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT

1.14 This qualitative annex follows the structure agreed for the overall report to enable results from the different elements of the study to be synthesised. Section 2 examines patterns of childcare usage; Section 3 examines reasons for accessing different types of childcare and considers parental preferences. Section 4 looks at sources of information about local childcare provision - particularly in relation to how parents feel this could be improved. Section 5 examines gaps in childcare provision and difficulties faced by parents while the final Section examines the cost and funding of childcare. The topic guide used in the depth interviews is shown in full in the Technical Annex - Annex Report 4.

1.5. SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS

1.15 The key findings from the qualitative research are summarised below.

• The decision to access childcare is complex and multi-faceted and is not simply related to whether parents are able to undertake paid work.
• Safety and trust are of paramount importance in choosing provision.
• Cost is a particular issue for lone parents, low income households and households with higher numbers of children. Some parents decide not to work because they believe the cost of childcare to be prohibitive.
• Reliance on informal childcare is often cost driven. It can also be preferred for reasons of trust, availability, flexibility and happiness of the child.
• Child development is seen as the particular advantage of formal childcare.
• Pre-school education is generally seen as very positive, particularly in preparing children for school. However, the lack of flexibility in local authority pre-school provision, particularly to access the 2.5 hours per day free provision, was criticised by a number of parents.

SECTION TWO - PATTERNS OF CURRENT USAGE AND NONUSAGE OF CHILDCARE

2.1. INTRODUCTION

2.1 The quantitative analysis paints a more comprehensive picture of the overall patterns of usage and non-usage of childcare. The qualitative analysis demonstrates the complex set of decision-making processes and considerations which different parents follow in relation to making their childcare arrangements - or indeed in relation to deciding/being unable to use childcare. As indicated in paragraph 1.12 in the methodology section (Section 1.2) above, many of these issues relate to almost all parents but where they particularly affect particular sub-groups of parents, this is discussed below.

2.2. WHETHER OR NOT TO USE CHILDCARE?

2.2 The decision as to whether it is desirable, or possible, to access childcare is complex and multi-faceted and does not appear to be simply related to whether the parents (or parent) are able to undertake paid work. Of course, for some parents, the decision about whether to access any childcare at all does have a simple relationship with paid work. For these families, work is considered crucial to the household's income and parents ¹ feel that they have to work. Decision-making about different childcare options is discussed in the next chapter - here we focus on the yes/no aspect of whether childcare is used. Apart from the necessity of being able to access paid work or continue to study, other key issues appear to be:

• Cost, or perceived cost, of formal child care provision;
• Availability, or perceived availability, of suitable childcare provision;
• The specific characteristics of the children (particularly in relation to disability or SEN but also in relation to the personality and nature of the child - for example if a child is shy or gets very upset when away from parents);
• The number of children in the household - more children meaning that either cost is prohibitive for formal care or potential informal carers less willing to look after, for example, more than 3 children;
• Personal views in relation to the role of parents (particularly mothers) in bringing up children;
• Personal views on child development and the need for socialisation with other children and a child to learn to be away from parents;
• The need to be able to undertake basic household tasks or keep appointments which are difficult or impossible with children around;
• The existence of extended family in the local area.

2.3 Each of these issues is discussed in turn below.

2.2.1. Cost, or perceived cost, of formal childcare

2.4 The cost (whether actual or perceived) appears to be of particular relevance to lone parents, lower income working parents and those with higher than average numbers of children. Some parents have actually looked into different childcare options and have decided that it is unaffordable based on the costs and their income. Others have not actually investigated the costs of different childcare options but have assumed that their income would not be sufficient to cover childcare. Although it is more commonly a problem for lower income households, most parents felt that the cost of formal childcare is too high.

2.2.2. Availability of suitable care

2.5 Some parents simply do not feel that anyone else would be in a position to provide the care required by their children. This is particularly the case for parents with a disabled child or with a child who has some SEN, but also for those parents who have a child with perhaps more minor issues for which medication is required or particular personality traits exist in a child. It should also be noted that this is also the case among some parents of children who do not have any specific needs. Some examples reflecting these views are discussed below.

2.6 A small number of parents in the study had children with conditions such as Asperger's Syndrome which, although not the only consideration, had been a key factor in deciding whether to access childcare. Examples of problems such as the difficulty of explaining the child's condition and how to deal with it to 'strangers' and worry about how the child would cope with a strange situation were cited as factors. Other participants with children with particular needs have used childcare specifically geared to the needs of their children accessed through organisations such as the Autism Society.

2.7 A few parents had children with more general health or development issues which was preventing or delaying them from using childcare, for example,

"[Child] has to take a lot of medicines and is not as developed as he should be so holding back from putting him into childcare. I will probably enrol him in nursery but wait and see how he is when the time comes."

2.8 Others just felt that they would not be happy with anyone but themselves looking after their children or felt that the emotional strain of leaving their children was too great, for example,

"It would take someone very special to make me happy to leave my kids with."

2.2.3. Number of children

2.9 For larger families in particular, the cost of formal childcare is seen as prohibitive. Even where there are mixtures of younger and older children with older children only requiring after school care, the costs involved are outwith the reach of many families. Parents with higher numbers of children also experience difficulties accessing formal care, with parents noting that it is hard to find people willing to look after 4 or 5 children. Logistical difficulties are also more pronounced for larger families with the need for particularly complex packages of childcare being required.

"I don't work because I couldn't afford to pay for childcare for 5 kids. It's also difficult to get people willing to look after 5 children - even friends and family, especially if they have children of their own."

2.2.4. Views on role of parents

2.10 A common finding from this research was the strong views that parents have on the role of parents in bringing up children. There was a common view that a child should be with a parent (usually a mother) rather than with any other childcare provider. In fact, more parents feel this than are able to follow through with the practicality owing to financial considerations, but some are actively choosing to stay at home full-time with their children to be mothers. For example,

"I believe that mums have children because they want to be with them. I don't want to farm out the children to other people."
"I prefer to watch them myself..I don't like the idea of the kids being away all the time."
"My role should be being with him as much as possible. The majority of the time should be with me as his mother."
"I don't see the point in having children then sending them to a childminder; it's someone else who is bringing them up"

2.11 This appears more common in slightly older mothers who have perhaps already had careers and built up an element of financial security. However, it is also demonstrated by parents in other categories for whom using anyone else to look after their children is a compromise.

"If you work and you have children then you make compromises - the biggest one is obviously having someone else look after your children."

2.12 Some parents also stressed that this arrangement had, in fact, benefited the children, as they were raised in a proper way to become well rounded human beings. For example, one parent believed she had brought her children up to be polite, respectful and well behaved in a way that a childminder would not have been able to do. That is, she was able to provide superior care to any form of formal childcare.

2.13 Some parents of older children who had given up work to be full-time mums or dads when their children were younger further iterated their contentment with this arrangement.

"I don't have any regrets about anything".
"I wouldn't have had it any other way".

2.14 It was also the case that parents who felt that it would not make financial sense to work and pay for childcare, indicated that they preferred looking after their own children. For example, a father from a family on a low income said that looking after his own children was convenient, as he did not need to face any trust issues with strangers looking after his children, and also meant that he did not miss out on any important moments:

"I'm the one bringing them up….I get to see them growing up".

2.15 The preference of parents to stay at home to look after their children was also a common opinion among parents who were working and using childcare. For example, parents indicated that they would have preferred to stay at home each day so their children would not need to use formal childcare. This was even the case among parents of slightly older children who attended after school care. For example, a parent who felt that her children were tired by the end of the school day but she had no choice but to send them to after school care as she had to work.

2.2.5. Child development

2.16 There were examples of situations where the children are in childcare, although one or both parents are not in paid work, with the key reason being for the child's personal, social and educational development. For those not using childcare for employment purposes and without extended families, a key reason is to get the child accustomed to being with other people, and being away from their mother.

"Its not healthy for them to only spend time with me - they need to spend time with other people".

2.17 This did not appear to be linked specifically to income, with parents from both low and high income households feeling this way. Thus, these parents want their child to mix with other children, learn to share toys, and be stimulated by different environments and activities. Pre-school education is commonly considered to be of great benefit to children in relation to preparation for school.

2.2.6. Household tasks and 'breaks'

2.18 Some parents use childcare, usually of an informal nature, in order to enable them to undertake household tasks such as shopping, or to attend appointments at the dentist or doctor for example. Other parents simply need a short break from the demands of full-time childcare. This was a particularly common finding among parents of young children, or children with special needs. Parents of children with special needs stressed the importance of respite care to give them a few hours apart from their child.

2.2.7. Existence of extended family in local area

2.19 A common problem expressed by parents interviewed in the qualitative research was not having any childcare provision or having difficulty with childcare because of not having any family in the local area. In particular, parents said they did not spend much time together as a couple or go out socially as they did not have family to babysit. This was particularly common among parents who worked shifts, or were on lower incomes. It would appear to be the case that parents often rely on family for babysitting duties or when they require a few hours of childcare (apart from grandparents who are often the main childcare provider). For example, one parent said that they had friends who could help out in an emergency but no-one if they simply wanted a night out together.

2.20 Parents who do not use any childcare other than extended family would, therefore, often not access childcare without the existence of family. This is often due to cost or trust issues with parents not being comfortable or not being able to afford to go out for the evening if they had to pay a babysitter. Thus, family emerges as a key factor in childcare patterns.

2.2.8. Complex patterns of care

2.21 A key area which the qualitative analysis demonstrates is the sheer complexity of many households' patterns of childcare and the impact this has on the lifestyle, working patterns and quality of life for many families. It should be noted that complex patterns of care were particularly common among working parents. Indeed, among participants involved in the qualitative research, very few had what might be considered 'simple' models of childcare involving one care provider such as a nursery or childminder. Perhaps reflecting the characteristics used to select participants (in order to generate a pool of participants across a range of situations and circumstances), most had very mixed packages of care involving different formal and informal providers. Before discussing some of the reasons for such complex patterns of care, it is worth providing a couple of case studies which demonstrate the challenging 'juggling act' described by many working parents.

Parent A works three days a week and her partner works full-time while being responsible for one pre-school aged child. The child goes to a Registered Childminder for two full days and then spends two half days with different grandparents. In order to access the childminder, the mother drives to the childminder's home to drop off her child and then travels by bus to her place of work. On the days when care is provided by grandparents, the mother drives to her place of work and meets one of the grandparents in the car park. The child is then taken to his own home by the grandparent who remains until lunch time when the other grandparent takes over. This complex arrangement works for the parents at the moment, but will need to be revised when the child starts school. The parents have not yet worked out a strategy to deal with this owing to the geographical arrangements of the child's school and the parent's place of work. A potential solution might be to choose a different school for the child but this would impact on his social life with other children in his local community.

Parent B works has several different part-time jobs and her partner works full-time. Financial constraints mean they cannot afford any formal childcare so they use a mixture of help from neighbours, after-school clubs, and on several occasions in an average week the children go to the mother's place of work with her as there are no alternatives.

Parent C has changed her working hours with the help of a flexible employer to be able to manage complex childcare arrangements. She currently works from 7am until 3pm rather than her previous hours of 9am until 5pm. Owing to the early start, her child is taken to pre-school nursery in the mornings by a family friend. The mother picks up the child from nursery at mid-day and takes him to a childminder and then returns to work. At 3pm, she leaves work to pick up the child from the childminder. Once the child begins school, there will be less 'running around' as the mother will be able to revert to her old working hours which will fit with school hours.

2.22 The following quote is demonstrative of feelings reported by most working parents:

"It is a continual stressful juggling exercise and it just takes one thing to go wrong and then the whole system collapses. By the time you get to work you are exhausted and stressed - you need to be at set places at set times - do the school run and so on. If one thing goes wrong there is a domino effect so I'm constantly praying 'please let it be okay'."

2.23 It is often the case that parents have no backup arrangements available (particularly in the absence of extended family) and so if childcare breaks down owing to child or carer illness for example, the parents experience problems. This appeared to be particularly the case for families living in rural areas, where there are limited childcare options.

2.24 Parents often have extremely complex childcare arrangements in order to provide their child with arrangements that are as ideal as possible. For example, one parent takes her daughter to a Registered Childminder based some distance from her work (but is close to the mother's old place of work which is why her daughter is with this childminder). The mother could look for a childminder closer to her work but does not want to disrupt her daughter, and so puts up with the inconvenience:

"[My child's] happiness is more important so that's why she is where she is".

SECTION THREE - CHILDCARE PREFERENCES AND MOTIVATING
FACTORS

3.1. INTRODUCTION

3.1 This section considers in further detail the decision-making processes involved in relation to accessing childcare, beginning with the crucial first step of whether parents will continue paid work after having a child/children. The section then moves on to examine the considerations driving different childcare preferences and decisions. However, it must be noted that this is by no means a linear process - the decision about work is driven by the available childcare and vice versa.

3.2. WHETHER TO WORK?

3.2 Inevitably, the decision about whether one or other parent wants to or needs to continue in paid work varies considerably by the characteristics of the household, in particular whether it is a lone or two-parent household, the nature of employment of the household members, and the availability of suitable, affordable childcare. The sample of parents who participated in the qualitative research represent a broad spectrum of different situations which enables in-depth analysis of the choices available for most household types.

3.3 First, there are parents (most commonly two-parent households where both parents have been in paid employment) who are in the position that they can afford (albeit with changes to spending patterns and lifestyle) for one parent to cease paid employment and be a full-time carer. Clearly, there are two stages to this decision - whether it is affordable and whether the potential carer wants to stay at home. Additionally, future considerations such as the potential impact on the parent's career and pension arrangements have a role. The parents interviewed who had chosen this option were often those who were better off financially and in their thirties rather than twenties.

3.4 A few parents had initially gone back to work when their child was six months old, but had then decided to give up work due to the struggles balancing work with their child. This may have been as often these parents had demanding jobs. This was the case for one doctor who had found:

"It was too much hassle due to shift patterns so I was lucky enough to be able to give up work".

3.5 It should also be noted that there are a few families who could afford for one parent not to work at all, but the parent prefers to go back to work (even part-time) as she would be bored and unfulfilled by simply being a stay at home parent and would miss the adult company.

"I would find it difficult being at home all the time - I don't just work for financial reasons - I quite like working.".
"There's only so much daytime TV you can watch".

3.6 There are also some parents who could actually afford not to work in order to meet the household expenses, but decide to return to work in order to retain their lifestyle and have disposable income.

3.7 Some working parents stressed that they would only have gone back to work if they had found suitable childcare that they were happy with. This was a common feeling among parents who had a choice whether to work or not, and were perhaps returning to work for personal rather than financial reasons.

"I would only have gone back if I could have balanced [child's name] and my home life and my work life".

3.8 Another group are those parents who would prefer for one parent (usually the mother) not to work in order to provide childcare but who cannot afford to do so. Again, these are couple households but often in slightly lower paid jobs than the first group. Different strategies are undertaken depending on the employment circumstances of the parents but a common strategy is for the mother to work part-time in order to continue earning but still retain the balance of care for the child/ren.

"I think the balance is about right (3 days paid work) - if I was unselfish I would like not to have to use any formal childcare but from a financial point of view I need to work. But I would hate to work full-time and if the option was to work full-time or not work at all - I would not work at all."
"I don't need to work full-time so we chose that it was best to work part-time. I wouldn't want to work more than 2 days a week even though we could do with the money."

3.9 An important point to note is that many parents in this situation who ideally would not choose to work, often suffer from feelings of guilt at having to juggle their work and home lives:

"I feel guilty if I don't go in to work because my daughters are not well, and then I feel guilty if I go to work because I'm leaving them when they are not well…It's a catch 22 situation really".

3.10 Other parents (even if they would prefer not to work or to work part-time) need to work more than they wish in order to cover household costs or because the nature of their job does not allow it to be undertaken on a part-time basis.

"In an ideal world, they would come home to their mum and dad each day….but that's just not the real world".
"I really would prefer to be at home for them but I need to work to pay the mortgage".
"I had no choice - I had to (work), financially we couldn't afford to just have the one wage coming in".
"Ideally I would have liked to work part-time but I wouldn't really be able to do my job part-time."
"It's one huge compromise. For a start it's so expensive so you need to cut down in other areas because you need to pay your childcare. I can't work the hours I would like to work. There's not the option for me to work full-time or work different hours because of my situation with childcare so I've definitely had to compromise".
"I've not got an option. We've got a mortgage to pay, two cars to run, two children to keep…I have to work, I'm better off working than non-working".

3.11 Some parents had actually changed jobs, or more commonly changed their hours extensively, in order to have a job that would suit their childcare arrangements and allow them to be flexible. Shift work and changing work hours or indeed jobs are also common strategies but are often a compromise.

"I was lucky that I found a job with hours that suited me down to a tee - it wasn't just about finding a job, it was finding a job with the hours that suited".
"I do shift work on a supply basis as and when - it's the only way I can work at the moment because of childcare. I gave up my regular job after my 3rd child as the cost of childcare would have cost more than I earned - I had to give up a good job as it just wasn't viable. I can only work certain shifts so I am very constrained".

3.12 The following examples illustrate the compromises made by many parents:

Parent A commented that she had to work two part-time jobs (one during the day and one at night) in order to cover household bills and so on. She would have preferred to work full-time during the day but could not afford to pay for childcare for both her children, so instead had to work again at night when her husband could look after the children.

Parent B has had to change her hours to five mornings a week to fit with her childcare arrangements. Herself and her husband have had to make compromises due to cost of childcare, and have had to think hard about their finances as they do not have much disposable income but do not have a choice as they do not have an informal childcare option.

3.13 In some households, the mother would prefer to work full rather than part-time, but cannot afford full-time formal childcare on the household income. Often, childcare cover for part-time work is a mixture of informal and formal care or mainly informal care to try and keep cost to a minimum.

3.14 Parents who do have to work, either part- or full-time, reported many difficulties associated with working. For example, one parent said she became a lot more fractious as she was tired and stressed, which had a negative impact on her relationship with both her husband and children:

"It is a difficult time when the kids are tiny and you are working".

3.15 At the other end of the spectrum, there are some parents who feel that it would be simply impossible for them to undertake paid work because of difficulties accessing and financing childcare. As well as parents who feel they simply could not afford to work due to the cost of childcare, others appeared to have weighed up the benefits of working against staying at home to look after the family and decided that what extra money they would have is not worth it. Thus, these parents feel there is no point in working when most of the money earned would go on childcare whereas if they do not work, they are entitled to other benefits. This was often the case among lone parents, and parents living on low incomes or in deprived areas.

"I just could not consider working - especially with all the summer holidays. It is too much to expect friends to step in and if I had to pay I just couldn't afford it. Also, with 5 children, one or other is often not well which would affect working."
"I am unemployed. I can't afford to work as I would have to spend all the money on childcare. It's just not practical for me to work at the moment."
"If I go to work then I have to pay for his school uniform, pay someone to look after him and pay full council tax. I'd need to get a job that pays about £300 a week which isn't going to happen because I don't have any qualification."
"I would be worse off if I was to work and pay for childcare."

3.16 For example, one father gave up his full-time job to look after his children rather than have to pay full-time childcare costs:

"I would have paid that money out of my wage anyway to get a childminder".

3.17 As discussed above, parents carefully consider the amount of time they want to, or are able to, access care for their children - particularly in relation to the paid work/parenting role and the cost/income relationship. It also appears that many mothers who want to work, or who need to work for financial reasons, still keep the larger part of the balance of care of their children for themselves. For some this is driven by cost - simply not being able to afford full-time childcare - while others only want (and are financially in a position) to work part-time in order to be available for their children at other times. Commonly, two and a half or three days paid work is seen as the optimum for both financial and care considerations. Although the analysis is presented as staged, the decision-making is not linear - the decision-making processes about work, cost and childcare are complex and can be driven by differing factors. For example, the first stage for some households might be the maximum potential income from both parents that is required to maintain the household therefore the decision is made and then options for childcare are considered. In other households, there is more financial flexibility and other considerations enter the equation. However, all households appear to go through a complex decision-making process once the decision has been made that some childcare is required.

3.3. WHAT TYPE OF CHILDCARE?

3.18 Many parents have quite complex packages of care often involving a mixture of formal and informal care. Reliance on informal care is often cost-driven but there are also other factors influencing the decision both to use, and not to use, informal care.

3.3.1. Formal versus informal

3.19 There is a mixture of opinion as to whether formal or informal childcare is the most ideal arrangement. Perhaps more commonly, parents feel that informal childcare is far superior, primarily as parents know the people who are caring for their child, and the costs are very low (if not non-existent). There is a widespread (although not unilateral) view that family are the most suitable childcare providers. Common views of the role of family (particularly grandparents) as carers are reflected in the following quotes.

'I trust her, she is always available and the children love their granny. And the bonus is that she is free.'
"I'm not into using complete strangers to look after my kids."
"You know they're with people that you love and trust."
"Someone who knows the children and I can trust."

3.20 The quotations above illustrate the five key issues that appear to drive the use of informal care - although perhaps not in order of importance - cost, trust, availability, flexibility and the happiness of the child. Thus, for perhaps the majority of parents, using grandparents for their childcare is ideal, as they believe that their parents will care for their children in the way in which they would wish. An added advantage of using grandparents is that they are usually not paid in monetary terms, although are sometimes paid in kind, i.e. being taken out for dinner, favour being returned and so on. Thus, the use of informal care was much more common among lower income households than among those financially better off.

3.21 Perhaps the most common reason given for the preference of using grandparents is trust, with parents not having to worry about the safety of their children. The convenience and flexibility of using grandparents are other advantages, as parents are not usually restricted to specific time periods. For example, one parent said her child is cared for by her grandmother as she is very flexible and so it is not a problem if the parent is late home from work.

3.22 Another parent said that it was just taken for granted that her mother would care for her child when she was at work, and an additional benefit is that it provides her mother with an opportunity to spend time with her grandchild. Some parents also commented that their children have not missed out on the social interaction that they might have experienced in nursery and so on, and the children have always been good at mixing with others. This especially appears to be the case for children who have siblings.

3.23 In some cases, parents said that there was no specific reason why they would not use formal childcare, other than there was no need for it as they had family close by:

"I've just been lucky that I've had my family about, without having to pay for formal childcare".

3.24 However, other parents said that they would be wary of using formal childcare owing to issues such as trust and safety, while others said they could simply not afford it.

3.25 Thus, commonly, parents feel that grandparents being the main childcare provider is the ideal situation. However, this was not a universal opinion with some parents (often those on higher incomes) feeling that this was an unfair pressure to place on their parents, and that it could detract from the relationship between grandparent and grandchild. Thus, by using formal childcare, parents feel that it separates their family from any responsibility for childcare so for example grandparents are able to spoil their grandchildren and do not have to be involved with discipline. Some parents mentioned that asking grandparents was particularly unfair as they got older. These parents felt it was better to have a professional relationship with their childcare provider, as it does not create any awkwardness with the family. For example:

"(I) didn't want grandparents to do it - wanted formal arrangement. Grannies are grannies -it's not fair to ask them to do the parenting all over again - should be able to be a granny rather than a carer".
"I don't expect my mum to bring them up".

3.26 Additionally, as formal providers are trained and qualified, some parents think they provide superior care to informal providers. As well as the fact that they do not want to rely on family for childcare, many parents prefer to use formal childcare due to the social and educational opportunities for their children. Parents mentioned benefits such as their children mixing with children of different ages.

3.3.2. Nursery versus childminder

3.27 There appears to be a real divide among parents relating to the merit of these two types of provision with the divide being very much related to personal choice and opinion rather than the socio-economic characteristics of the parents. Thus, there were not many differences in opinion that can be easily linked to the different groups of parents included in the qualitative research, as there were often differences among parents of the same group. The main advantages and disadvantages perceived in relation to using both types of provision are discussed below. Views expressed in preference for nursery provision included reasons linked to safety, education, and socialisation whereas other parents prefer to use childminders for reasons such as flexibility, cost, a 'homely' environment and affection given to their child.

3.28 Before discussing the main differences in opinion between childminders and nurseries, it should be noted that many parents (especially working parents) use both types of providers, particularly where their children are attending pre-school education. Working parents often employ childminders to take their children to and from nursery. Although some parents felt this was less than ideal owing to the cost involved, others felt that these two providers complimented each other to some extent by their different ways of teaching.

3.29 One benefit mentioned by parents of children using childminders as opposed to nurseries, is that childminders can take their children outside to different places and involve them in different activities. Parents also said that the childminder involves their children in the types of activities that the parents would also do, such as going on walks, baking and so on.

"Childminder does things with them that I would do - it's like being at home sitting at the kitchen table."
"I know that she's getting the same kind of care that I would give her."

3.30 Thus, many parents using childminders feel that childminders can be as educational as nurseries. For example, one parent said that her childminder is involved in many committees and carries out many themed activities with the children, e.g. linked to Halloween, Easter, and Christmas and so on. She also has many educational books and videos. In terms of social opportunities, some parents also did not consider this to be a problem, given that childminders often care for more than one child, thus giving the children the opportunity to mix with other children.

3.31 Perhaps the most common reason that parents cite for using childminders is the fact that the childminder can build up a close relationship with the child, and show affection, giving 'kisses and cuddles'. Also, the fact that the children are in a home environment was seen to be an advantage, with the children being very comfortable at the childminder's home. For example, many parents mentioned that the childminder treated their child like "one of the family":

"I want my children to have caring adults in their lives".
"(The childminder) treated him like 'one of her own' which is what I was looking for…I don't want them treating them like part of a money making set up".
"The children at the childminders are like my sons' brother and sisters - he has grown up with them and is part of the family".
"I know that she's in a home environment and know that she gets plenty of kisses and cuddles and that she's loved whereas I know that in a nursery they're not allowed to be as touchy-feely with the children"

3.32 Conversely, this is also a reason why some parents do not choose to have a childminder, as they worry that their child will become too close to the childminder, and feel their role as a parent might be threatened. One parent, however, commented that she had initially worried about this, but soon realised that this is a good thing as it means that her child is happy.

3.33 It should also be noted that some parents have experienced problems with the fact the childminder also cares for their own children, such as their children not getting on with the childminder's children or issues such as jealousy, not sharing toys and so on.

3.34 In a related vein, a few parents had removed their children from nursery as they feel that they were not receiving enough attention as the nursery was overcrowded and there was not enough staff per child:

"Some nurseries just don't provide the comfort a child needs".
"I am worried that he will not get the care he needs as there as so many children there".

3.35 An additional perceived benefit of using childminders is flexibility. This is an important issue for parents, if they need to change the hours of childcare slightly or if they are running late to collect their child. A few parents also said that their childminder does not charge them for an additional ten minutes here or there, which was much appreciated. Conversely, this was a criticism of nurseries, that they are inflexible in terms of how many hours of childcare they provide each day and when the children have to be picked up. A common worry among parents using nurseries was that they closed at a certain time, and that it was not possible to change the days or times their child attended. One parent said she was:

"[I was] worried that [my] child would be left on the doorstep".

3.36 Parents also like the fact that childminders are more flexible in terms of what they do with the children. For example, one parent said that their child could sleep for an extra 15 minutes at the childminder's house whereas she felt the child's routine would be more regimented at a nursery:

"Nurseries are quite regimented…there's no give and take at all".

3.37 Another reason for parents using childminders as opposed to nurseries is the fact that they are often cheaper. Perhaps expectedly, this was a common reason among those parents who were living on lower incomes or who had more than one child.

3.38 A common criticism of nurseries was the quality and experience of staff. Many parents feel that staff employed in nurseries are often fairly young and do not seem to genuinely care for the children:

"Some of the staff at the nurseries seem very young and inexperienced".

3.39 Although there are parents who prefer using childminders, there are also a group of parents who feel that nurseries are the preferred option. One reason for this is that nurseries are considered more reliable in comparison to a childminder because if the latter is ill, the child cannot attend whereas nurseries have a larger pool of staff. Similarly, a few parents chose a nursery over a childminder as they would be tied to the childminder's holidays, and felt it would be difficult to make alternative arrangements when required.

3.40 A common key reason for using nurseries was the fact it provided their child with an opportunity to mix with other children and socialise. Other reasons included parents feeling that nurseries offered greater safety than childminders due to the volume of staff and also the relative transparency of the care environment. There was a general feeling that nurseries were safer as there is more than one person responsible for the care of the child, rather than having to find one person whom the parent felt comfortable leaving their child with:

"I found the whole idea of choosing a childminder quite difficult".

3.41 One benefit of nurseries raised by an ethnic minority parent was the opportunity for her child to mix with native English speakers. This parent said that she and her husband speak their native language at home, and so felt the nursery would really help their son to develop his English before he began school.

3.42 There were some comments made about local authority nurseries compared with private nurseries, and again this generated differences in opinion which were not linked to any socio-economic characteristic. For example, one parent said she would be happier with a local authority nursery as she feels there would be more rules and regulations in the public sector whereas the quality of private nurseries might be more variable. In fact, she felt that the government should provide more nursery education, and that it should not be provided through the private sector.

3.43 As well as parents preferring nurseries to childminders for the above reasons, parents also appear to prefer other forms of formal childcare (such as after-school care) for similar reasons. For example, one parent felt that it was essential that her son attended after-school care rather than a childminder for social and educational purposes. However, she did think after-school care should be more flexible and specifically be available outside school term:

"We have to find alternative arrangements during holidays…..I have to work during public holidays…I believe that after-school clubs should work during public holidays as well".

3.4. WHAT MAKES CHILDCARE GOOD?

3.44 Although making compromises to access their current childcare arrangements was common, it should be noted that other parents feel that although their childcare arrangements are not ideal ( i.e. due to cost, convenience and so on.) they were very happy with the quality of childcare their children received. For example, one parent described her childminder as "one of the family" and said that:

"It's worked out brilliant…I couldn't be any happier with my childcare".

3.45 Parents being happy with the quality of care provided would perhaps be expected, given that parents would be unlikely to send their children to a provider they were more than slightly unhappy with:

"If I wasn't happy with the quality then they wouldn't be there, it's as simple as that".

3.46 The main factors which appear to make childcare good (and in fact bad) are described below in no particular order. Many of these factors are discussed in more detail throughout the report, when describing different types of childcare provider.

3.47 Issues such as safety and trust are of paramount importance and appear to be the minimum standards which parents are unwilling to compromise on. It is also important for parents to have reliable childcare arrangements, given that most parents are working and struggle to make alternative arrangements when their childcare does break down. Childcare providers being flexible is also advantageous.

3.48 The childcare provider being convenient to either the parent's home or work is also a huge benefit. Although this does not always drive the choice of provider, parents did find it much easier if they could drop off their children on the way to work and if it did not add much time to their journey. An additional benefit is parents being close to the provider in case their child is ill.

3.49 It is perceived as important that there is good communication between the childcare provider and parent. Parents appear to value the opportunity to talk to the childminder every day to keep in touch and receive feedback on how their child appeared and behaved that day. It is also important for the provider to feedback on any problems or issues that arise, such as whether the child was misbehaving or fighting with other children and so on.

3.50 A common view among parents was the fact that they like their childcare provider to engage their children in educational and physical activities. Food appears to be an important issue, both in terms of whether it is provided at all and the quality. A few parents commented that some nurseries give children snacks such as crisps which they are unhappy with.

3.5. VIEWS ON PRE-SCHOOL EDUCATION

3.51 Those with experience of pre-school education were generally very positive. It was seen as having many benefits for the children, although there were certain improvements suggested that would make it more convenient for parents. Again, there were no real differences in opinion of pre-school education linked to the different groups of parents, with the vast majority being very positive.

3.52 In terms of benefits for children, parents described pre-school education as very good preparation for school, which makes their child learn structure and discipline as well as advancing them so they can read and write. The number and variety of activities undertaken was also seen to be a good thing. Additionally, it was thought to make it less traumatic for both parents and children when children start school. In particular, nurseries attached to the school that the child will be attending were thought to be particularly advantageous, as the child can get to know the other children and teachers. As well as preparing children for school, parents commented that it provided their children with a good opportunity to socialise and develop their social skills.

3.53 Parents had the following thoughts about pre-school education.

"(it is) a very good thing…I think it's vitally important that they're out there socialising…you see your children coming on leaps and bounds when they go to nursery".
"(it is an) introduction to socialising with other children and making them independent from their parents".
"It makes them programmed for going to school".
"It prepares them for going to school…it was ideal".

3.54 One parent said that she had initially only sent her child to pre-school education as it was free, but she has been so impressed with the quality of the care and the way that he has progressed, that she would now be willing to pay for the service.

3.55 It did not appear to be a common experience for parents to secure a pre-school education place for their child at a nursery of their choice. There were, however, some problems, with one parent having her children at two different nurseries which meant she spent a lot of time travelling between the two. Some parents also had to make compromises with their first choice nursery, due to the fact that the nursery did not offer extended hours:

"It's difficult to find a nursery to put your child in all day".

3.56 For example, one parent cannot send her child to the nursery attached to the school that he will attend as it does not offer extended hours. The childcare session begins at 9:30am which is a problem for the mother as she begins work at 9am. Thus, she will have to send her child to another council nursery offering extended hours, which will mean he will not make friends with children that he will go to school with from attending nursery:

"(Council nurseries) are not suitable for working parents.. they do short sessions and it's usually 9:30am, and who starts their work at 9:30am so it's a struggle to get your child to a pre-school nursery".
"If you're a working parent, you find it difficult to use the free pre-school education".

3.57 A common feeling among parents was that the nurseries were too inflexible, as there was no option for the children to stay longer. Similarly, working parents commented on the fact that they experienced problems with the timeslots being too short. However, other parents felt that any longer than two and a half hours would be too long and tiring for their child.

3.58 Some working parents would prefer if rather than two and a half hours each day, children could attend the nursery two and a half full days a week. As well as making it easier for the parents to work and so on, it was also suggested that this may provide more structure for the child. However, it was noted by other parents that it might be difficult for young children to cope with such a structure.

4.1. INTRODUCTION

4.1 This section examines how parents find out about available childcare and notes the importance of 'official' information but also the key role of informal sources such as information exchanged between parents at toddler groups and picking up children from school.

4.2. SOURCES ACCESSED

4.2 Parents choosing formal childcare options tend to conduct a reasonable amount of research into different providers before making a decision. The main sources of information about available childcare were: other parents, the local authority, health professionals and the internet. Some referred to local newspapers but this was not so common. Information from other parents, which tended to be gleaned informally while at groups and collecting children was seen to be very valuable.

"I like to speak to other mums about childcare. It's by speaking to other parents that you get the best information".
"The childminder was recommended through word of mouth."
"I've heard about other childcare providers such as local private nursery through word of mouth. I don't know about other things like websites. If needed to find anything I would speak to friends or look in the local paper."
"You get to know other mums and the council has lists. You also see childminders at school picking up kids - so I would know where to start looking."

4.3 Word of mouth and local knowledge seems particularly common in rural areas and smaller communities.

"I know most childminders in the area as it's such as small town."

4.4 However, other parents used more formal sources and found it easy to access information:

"I rang the council and received a list of childcare providers so found the process fairly easy."
"When I needed a childminder, I contacted the council to get a list. It was easy to find information.
"The Health visitor sent some leaflets with childcare providers."
"I looked at the advert in the doctor's surgery about Registered Childminders."

4.5 Some parents, particularly those with older children who no longer need to access childcare or those who have decided not to use childcare, reported not knowing much about local provision but most thought they could find out if they needed to by contacting the local authority, using the internet and asking other parents.

"I just keep myself to myself around here…..there probably is something for him but I've never looked into it"
"I'm not really aware of childcare provision in area as I don't need to be - when they were younger, I knew a little bit but wasn't looking for information as we didn't need it.

4.6 Those with children with SEN or a disability tended to use more specialist sources of information in order to access childcare that was suitable for their child's (and often their own respite) needs. For example, the Autism Society provides some information and there are some specialist babysitting agencies (though this can be quite costly). One parent noted that using such services works because information provided indicates that sitters have been police checked, and have an understanding of the child's condition. Additionally, they are provided with information on whether potential sitters have their own transport and whether they are available during nights, weekends and so on. Other parents said that they would contact the hospital treating their child for information about suitable childcare.

4.7 However, some parents with SEN children feel that there is a real lack of information about childcare suitable for their child's needs. For example, the parent of a child with Asperger's Syndrome said,

"It's very difficult to know where to go to find this information out in the first place" and "nobody's given me any information".

4.8 Similarly another parent of a child with SEN said that although they found it easy to get information quickly from Social Services, the information was very limited.

"There was no details about how many children they took in, what kind of hours they would be prepared to work, whether they would be able to deal with children with special needs or whether they had any there already - nothing - or what kind of qualifications if any they had…found this quite daunting at the time. I couldn't face contacting all these providers as it would have meant having to explain the situation so didn't end up using this list at all."

4.3. IMPROVEMENTS REQUIRED

4.9 When parents were asked about potential improvements to information provision about childcare, most comments related to the information provided by local authorities about childminders. Although most parents requesting information from the local authority about Registered Childminders had found it relatively straightforward and had been provided with a list, they did not feel that the information was comprehensive or up-to-date enough. It was not uncommon for parents to report having waded through lists making several unfruitful telephone calls because the childminder was fully booked or was unsuitable in some way. Therefore, the most common improvement was fuller information about childminders initially so parents can then only contact those that look suitable on paper.

4.10 A considerable range of information requirements were suggested including: can they drive, do they have access to a car, how many children do they have of their own, how many children do they currently care for, what activities they provide for children, any special training undertaken, availability and hours of care provided, whether they have any household pets, hourly rates, whether meals are provided, whether drop off/ pick up, whether or not they are smokers, whether they have a garden, how long they have been childminding, whether they can take children with particular needs and so on. For example,

"I would want to know who they are, what type of children they look after, whether they've been Disclosure Scotland checked, their experience and qualifications, hours available. It would be good to know as much as you could about them before you call them up".
"(I'm) never sure of what courses childminders have been on and which courses are mandatory. It would be good to have more information on different types of childminder, i.e. if they have attended specific courses and if they specialise in, for example, music or art".
"I would want to know how long they've been a childminder as lots give it up after a year. Would need to know how many children they have, hours they provide, costs, training and qualifications."

4.11 Owing to the sheer volume of required information, it was suggested that some basic information be provided with the initial list to enable parents to decide which childminders they would like to request further information about and that each childminder should have a full portfolio that could then be sent to interested parents.

4.12 Another general area which parents would like to know more about is what checks and tests are undertaken in order for someone to become registered as a childminder. There was an assumption that a certain level of checks had been undertaken but a lack of clarity about what they actually entailed. One parent said they would also like to know about the family and friends of childminders likely to come into contact with children in the care of the childminder. For example,

"Childminders are vetted but their friends and family aren't so you never know."

4.13 A few parents who used or had considered nursery rather than childminder provision also felt that there were some gaps in information provision. However, as nurseries generally provide a portfolio, as parents can visit and see other children in situ, and as information about Care Commission Reports is available, there appears to be less demand for further information. There were, however, a couple of issues raised in relation to accessing information on the qualifications of nursery staff and levels of staff turnover.

4.14 In addition, one parent who was having some (minor) issues with her nursery said it would have been useful to have a parents comments page on the Internet to see if the issues she was facing were also experienced by other parents. She noted that this is easily accessible in relation to things like holiday destinations but not nurseries.

4.15 Reflecting some of the particular issues mentioned by some parents of children with particular needs, it appears that some conditions are better served by specialist bodies than others. Parents of children with conditions not well represented by an umbrella organisation need further help and information from local authority social services.

4.16 Although, as indicated in section 4.3.2, there are some key areas where parents would like information, this tends to only be to help make initial shortlists or to back up a decision. The final decision is driven by the carer's interaction with a child and the other considerations discussed in the previous section. In a nutshell:

"I don't feel reassured by certificates - I feel reassured once they see how they interact with my child."

SECTION 5 - GAPS AND CONSTRAINTS

5.1. INTRODUCTION

5.1 During the qualitative interviews, parents were asked about any particular gaps they saw or experienced in relation to childcare provision or particular times when suitable childcare was not available. Additionally, questions were asked about any difficulties or constraints in accessing childcare that was available. This section examines these issues outlining gaps, how they could perhaps be filled, and what would need to be addressed in order to make using existing childcare easier for parents.

5.2. KEY GAPS IN SERVICE PROVISION - TIMES AND TYPES

5.2 There were several particular times of the day, week or year during which parents felt there was a general lack of formal care available. In particular, those doing shift work noted that it needed to be friends and family rather than formal childcare to cover early morning, evening or overnight shifts. Others noted that there was no formal childcare available at weekends when some parents have to work.

"I looked into childminders, and the times they were available as I wanted someone at the weekends but this did not seem to be available."
"I would need a 9 to 5 job in order to work but most jobs seem to have shift patterns - even working in a supermarket means doing shifts."

5.3 A particular problem occurs when shift patterns change from week to week as parents experience difficulties matching flexibility with formal childminders. A common experience for those working weekends or shifts was having to rely on friends and family or cut down their working hours in order to be able to manage childcare. It appears, therefore, that there is a need for some formal cover to match the flexible shift patterns of many people's working lives. Currently, those without access to informal childcare are limited in the job market, as they need to find a job to fit around formal childcare rather than being able to find formal childcare to fit around their jobs.

5.4 Another common problem was school holidays, in-service days and childminders' holidays. Those who have managed to organise affordable care during term-time find it difficult to manage the school holidays. Parents commonly had to rely heavily on friends and family to manage school holidays and take many days off work as holiday.

"In-service days are a problem as we need to get cover - we tend to take days of work or rely on friends and family.'

5.5 School patterns generally are problematic for parents, particularly those who cannot afford formal childcare, with several non-working mothers (particularly from lone or lower-income couple households) saying that they would only be able to take paid work if it could match school hours and be term-time only.

5.6 Although as discussed above, parents are very positive about the role of pre-school education, several report that the time slot (two and a half hours a session) causes particular difficulties. For those in paid work, this involves putting in place additional arrangements in order to get their children delivered and/or picked up from the nursery by existing childcare providers or family and friends.

"When he's in pre-school, I would need a '12 o clock club' as well as a Breakfast Club."

5.7 For those not in paid work, the short time slot was seen as not long enough to enable the parent to access any paid work during that period. Although the aim of pre-school education is perhaps not to enable parents to work, consideration may perhaps be given to the context in which it is provided in order to facilitate easier access for parents.

5.8 Parents of older children said that they had problems finding suitable arrangements for teenage children who did not necessarily need 'looking after' but needed to be in a safe, supervised and entertaining environment either before or after school and in the school holidays. For some of these, Out of School Clubs were seen as ideal but are not available for all children or are too expensive for other parents. There is perhaps scope for voluntary sector provision in some areas with higher demand.

5.9 A particular gap in the type of childcare provision available was identified by lone parents, non-working parents and parents with part-time work and part-time childcare. It was noted that there was a lack of flexible ad hoc childcare such as 'drop-in' or 'crèche' type services. Several parents felt they could not use any formal care arrangements as they needed the flexibility of using childcare a couple of times a week just for a couple of hours as and when required, rather than having to book and stick to a particular slot with a nursery or childminder. For example,

"Probably once or twice a week I could do with care like when I need to do things that the children don't like doing - they don't like traipsing round the shops. It would be good to be able to leave the kids somewhere so they can play while you do things."
"I would need a 'drop-in' facility - something very informal. There is no compromise with a nursery. There used to be a crèche at the supermarket but it shut down. That would work for me but taking the slot of say a Tuesday afternoon at a nursery is too much."
"Every industrial estate should have a crèche for example so that parents have some flexibility".

5.10 Parents of children with some types of SENs or disabilities reported finding it very difficult to access any suitable childcare.

5.11 A common difficult was a problem finding babysitters to enable parents to undertake social activities in the evenings. There is perhaps scope for the development of a system of Registered Babysitters along the lines of Registered Childminders.

5.3. CONSTRAINTS IN ACCESSING AVAILABLE CHILDCARE

5.3.1. Cost

5.12 As has arisen in the preceding sections, cost remains a common key issue for parents. For some, cost means that accessing care is impossible while for others, the cost has an impact on the hours they are able to work or on other elements of lifestyle owing to the need to cut back on spending.

"When I found out cost of childminder I nearly fell out of the seat. I thought... 'how can you charge that much?'"
"I can't work full-time because for me to work full-time through the day I wouldn't be able to afford my childcare, it would just be through the roof".
"Cost is a real issue. If I could get something appropriate at a reasonable cost I would have considered studying full-time but it's too expensive so I'm using family and studying part time."
"It's not difficult to get a child carer, it's just difficult to pay them…it's quite expensive".
"It could be cheaper, it is hugely expensive - you just have to find the money. We can't go on holiday because of the cost of the childcare. "
"Finding affordable childcare was difficult - childminders seem to range in cost from £2 to £6 per hour."
"Cost is the main obstacle for people".
"Because we have 2 kids it really makes it difficult to finance cost of childcare. Nursery will be £250 a month for 2 days a week which is just too high".

5.13 As is discussed in Section 6, many parents report that potential help with childcare costs through Child Tax Credit and so on had only been a limited help with many describing it as more hassle than its worth. On the other hand, some parents are very positive about government help stating that they would have been unable to manage without it.

5.3.2. Quality

5.14 Another key issue facing parents is finding someone that they feel can look after their children to their own satisfaction. For some, this is the factor driving the decision to use informal childcare or not to use any childcare and not take part in paid work. Although many parents are very satisfied with childcare (and indeed would not be using it if this was not the case), some report dissatisfaction with some of the childcare options they investigated or even tried temporarily. For example, one parent noted that she looked into private nurseries in the local area but didn't think "they were up to much". Other parents had similar experiences.

"It was really difficult at the start as I was not sure what I was looking for - the first three people I spoke to were awful and I thought: "how could I leave my daughter with these people?"
"I think that quality of childcare has to be improved and children should be provided with better facilities. Nurseries currently have old equipment and so on. I worry when my child goes there as we don't know the people."
"I took my daughter out of the nursery as I was not happy with the way they were looking after her."
"The childminder was just letting them watch TV all the time and we began to have some problems with her behaviour so we stopped it."

5.15 Some are using slightly less than satisfactory arrangements owing to lack of choice, for example,

"I don't have any choice other than the after school club but the people who work there are not the type of people that you would really want to be looking after your children……they should be more qualified/professional"

5.16 Trust in the care provider and being sure about the safety of children appear to be key elements associated with measuring the quality of care providers, as one parent said,

"In this day and age it's kind of a bit scary sending the kids out to anybody when you're not 100% sure who they are".

5.3.3. Supply and demand in different areas

5.17 There appear to be some specific problems with supply and demand in different areas. In particular, over demand in some urban areas and under supply in some rural areas. The lack of supply in rural areas was a common problem for parents, with many not being able to access the childcare they would like at the times that were suitable.

"[We] don't have much of a choice with childminders up here - it's more what days they can give you than what days you can ask them for and there are no private nurseries nearby."
"There isn't much around here….I think people try and do it amongst themselves taking turns looking after each others children on different days".
"I don't think there are as many childminders in this area as there could be. Some friends have had to go out of town to access a childminder."
"There is a short supply of childminders in [name of town] and what ones there are, there's only about 2 of them that you would go anywhere near".

5.18 Some parents believe that people are either being put off becoming childminders because of all the red tape involved while others suggest that childminders often only operate for a short time and then give up owing to the pressures involved.

"I think that there's now so much paperwork to childminding that it puts people off."
"I've had childminders quit because of pressure, so I've had it with childminders."

5.3.4. Employment and employers

5.19 The nature of parents' jobs and the attitude of their employers can have considerable negative or positive affects on ease of accessing childcare. On the positive side, several parents reported that the flexibility of their employer had been the key factor in enabling them to access suitable childcare. This can be flexibility on a semi-permanent basis - for example allowing a change in working hours to fit around childcare, or more ad hoc flexibility and understanding about the demands of being a parent.

"My employer is very flexible - if I have problems then they will change my hours - even at short notice."
"My employer allows me to go in early and leave early so I can put in the hours and still pick up the kids."

5.20 On the other hand, parents report that given the nature of their job, it is not possible to change hours or disappear at short notice so they have to rely on family and friends. Others stated that it was not the nature of the job that was inflexible but the nature of the employer - being off work or changing hours for emergency or ad hoc child-related things was frowned upon by some bosses.

"I had a call from [child carer] saying my child was ill, I phoned my boss to get her to take over from me but she took over an hour to turn up."
"My husband has no flexibility at all - he can't take time off work as when they have pay offs, its people who have bad absence record who are let go."

5.3.5. Lack of extended family

5.21 A theme running through the report but worth noting in this section is the importance of informal care through extended family. Several parents report that they would be unable to work without such care owing to costs, hours worked, shift work and the needs of children. Others only rely on family when usual childcare arrangements break down or in holidays but would need to take time off work if their family were not available. Often, it is a family member who takes and drops of children to the carer to fill gaps between, for example, the time the parent starts work and the time the nursery opens.

"If my childminder is ill I have to phone in sick as I have no family or access to other childcare."
"Not being local and not having family around makes childcare much harder - even in relation to getting children used to being with other people."
"If it wasn't for my mum, I wouldn't be working. I wouldn't want to leave her in a strange place especially at such a young age."
"I'm lucky that I come from a big family so there is always someone who can take him at short notice."

5.3.6. Emotional issues

5.22 Many parents talk about the difficult emotions involved with handing their children over to other people, particularly those who need to undertake paid work but would rather be looking after their children. However, for a few parents, the problem of placing their children in childcare can be un-surmountable, particularly if a child will not settle and is constantly upset in the absence of the parent. A few parents have had to remove their child from childcare, as they have been so unsettled and unhappy. Some parents do not have the option to discontinue work so are having to leave unsettled and upset children at carers which clearly impacts on their work as well as their emotional well being.

5.23 Some parents talked about the guilt they felt at leaving their children with other people and how this was compounded if a child was ill. Some mentioned having to balance guilt about their child with guilt about letting down employers and colleagues. For example, one parent said she felt guilty about work but could not leave her child. Therefore, she would take the child to the childminder and ask the childminder to telephone her at work, so her employers would see that it was a genuine illness and that she had tried to get to work.

SECTION SIX - COST AND FUNDING

6.1. INTRODUCTION

6.1 This section examines the crucial cost factor of childcare which has an impact on choice of provider and parents' working patterns. As discussed throughout the report, in many cases, parents make compromises in order to be able to access affordable childcare.

6.2. COSTS OF DIFFERENT PROVIDERS

6.2 As would be expected, opinions on the cost of childcare vary according to household income, with those parents on lower incomes often feeling that childcare costs were a problem. At the other end of the spectrum, more affluent parents often feel that childcare costs were very reasonable and that the cost of childcare was not an issue, and that other factors such as trust and accessibility impacted on their choice of provider to a greater extent:

"Money doesn't really come into it".

6.3 One of the most marked differences between formal and informal provision is the cost involved, with many parents using informal childcare largely (although not only) because it is free. It was common for parents to remark that they could not have worked without informal care, as it would not have made sense financially if they had to pay for childcare. This was obviously a more common opinion among parents on lower incomes. It should also be noted that many parents had never actually researched formal childcare costs, as they simply thought that the costs would be unaffordable.

6.4 Thus, many parents felt that their childcare costs were very reasonable, perhaps as they had made compromises in other areas of their life to access affordable childcare. For example, it was commented upon by some parents that the cost of childminders is very low, and in fact, this may impact on the lack of supply (particularly in rural areas):

"I think there should be an incentive for them (childminders) to get a bit more money and then they might stay at it a bit longer".

6.5 One parent described the cost of after school care as "outrageously cheap", and another felt her childminder was great value for money although there is:

"Obviously a huge diversity among childminders and what they do".

6.6 Those parents living in rural areas often felt that they had to pay inflated childcare costs, owing to the lack of supply of childcare provision in these areas and the fact that childminders could pick and choose what children they wanted to look after:

"Cost wasn't something I considered when looking at childcare - unless you live in one of the big cities, childcare costs are high. If I didn't have mother and mother-in-law, and as we needed 3 full days, we couldn't afford it".

6.3. EXPERIENCES WITH CHILD TAX CREDIT, WORKING TAX CREDIT AND OTHER GOVERNMENT MEASURES

6.7 Among some parents, there was a lack of understanding about both Child Tax Credit ( CTC) and Working Tax Credit ( WTC). They feel that there is a lack of clear information and that it is difficult to find out about and understand funding and tax relief. Parents feel that funding should be simplified, as it is currently very difficult to understand.

6.8 An example is a mother who had assumed, based on her understanding of the system, that by the time she had her second child, childcare for her older child would be almost free, and in fact had timed her second pregnancy around this assumption. However:

"It was an unwelcome surprise to find out that this wasn't the case".

6.9 Those parents who did not qualify for Child Tax Credit often then found the cost of childcare too much to manage:

"(The) cost for more than one child is too much... (We) didn't qualify for Child Tax Credit, so just could not justify the costs of childcare, so I just couldn't work".

6.10 Some parents were very positive about Child Tax Credit, and said that this had really helped them to benefit financially from working and manage their childcare costs:

"I was actually seeing money in my hand".
"If I wasn't getting the help from the government, it wouldn't have been worth my while working".

6.11 Even some of those parents who received tax credits criticised the way they worked, and felt that the government:

"Gives with one hand and take away with the other".

6.12 Some other parents had decided that it was not worth the hassle applying for tax credits. For example, one parent said that she did not currently work enough hours to qualify, but, if she worked more hours, she would move into a different tax bracket and so she thought it would not benefit her financially as well as being too complicated. Another complained about the fact that she had to fill out a big booklet every year and then felt she received little money for her efforts:

"I thought the purpose was to help working parents but this doesn't seem to be the case…the system they have in place…it has to be better…it needs to be looked at and readjusted".

6.13 Another parent had experienced a particular problem with Child Tax Credit. Her family were given too much money last year and so are having to pay it back this year, which is "a nightmare". She said it is frustrating that you have to provide an estimate of next years income, and so are often asked to pay money back:

"It ends up more bother than it's worth".
"It just doesn't work out…you always have to pay them back something".

SECTION SEVEN - CONCLUSIONS

7.1. INTRODUCTION

7.1 This section provides some overall conclusions to the qualitative research. These conclusions are based purely on the qualitative research and should be considered in relation to the quantitative findings.

7.2 Our qualitative analysis has demonstrated the complexity of the childcare decision-making process for many parents. These parents have complex patterns of childcare use, as a result, using a mixture of providers in different circumstances.

7.3 Parents would seem to prefer to look after their children themselves, but because of work and other reasons, need to find a childcare provider.

7.4 Having to make compromises between work, cost and childcare is a common situation for parents. However, no compromises appear to be made with safety and trust when deciding on a provider.

7.5 Informal provision is preferred for reasons of cost, trust, availability, flexibility and happiness of the child. It is more commonly used in lower income households.

7.6 The main advantages of formal provision is seen in the social and educational opportunities that it offers children. Of these formal providers, some parents prefer childminders because of the close relationship that they can develop with the child and the cost and flexibility of provision. Others prefer nurseries because they want their child to mix more with other children, they believe it is safer and they do not want their child to become too dependent on one carer.

7.7 Parents are very pleased with the 2.5 hours per day of free pre-school provision, but many are not satisfied with the flexibility of this provision in local authority nurseries.

7.8 Parents using formal childcare conduct a reasonable amount of research before deciding on a provider. Information from other parents is seen as being particularly helpful.

7.9 Key gaps in service provision include a lack of formal childcare in the early morning and at weekends, having to arrange provision at school holidays and in-service days, a lack of 'drop-in' services for those only needing occasional childcare, and a lack of supply in rural areas.

APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW PROCEDURES AND RESEARCH ETHICS

The qualitative study comprised in-depth interviews with 60 parents recruited from among participants in the quantitative survey. The research was conducted by Dudleston-Harkins Social Research Ltd, an independent research company, meaning complete confidentiality for all participants could be ensured.

Key characteristics of participants who had agreed to participate in further research were identified from the quantitative data in order to generate a pool of participants across a range of situations and circumstances. A comprehensive list of potential participants based on the list above was generated and between 10 and 15 in each category (or combination of categories) were purposefully selected to be invited to take part in the research in order to provide both categorical and geographical coverage. Once potential respondents indicated a willingness to be contacted by researchers about the qualitative research, they were contacted to arrange an appointment for an interview in their own homes (unless they expressed a preference for another location). Fieldwork was undertaken both in and out of usual office hours to ensure as many people as possible could participate.

Interviews were conducted to conform with market ethical guidelines suggested by the Social Research Association ( SRA) and Market Research Society ( MRS). Particular attention was paid to the three key areas of:

• the need to acquire informed consent from respondents;
• the need to ensure the highest levels of confidentiality; and
• the need for sensitivity and understanding when interviewing vulnerable groups.

Ensuring that informed consent is received from participants is a central element of all research and is also a requirement of the Data Protection Act. Generally, this involves making respondents aware of their entitlement to refuse to take part in the research at any stage of the project for whatever reason and to withdraw any information or data supplied. Additionally, it is the responsibility of the researcher to ensure that information that would be likely to affect a respondent's willingness to participate should not be deliberately withheld, since this would remove from respondents an important means of protecting their own interests. In order to gain informed consent, it is necessary to ensure that respondents are provided with information that is clear and easy to understand so that they understand the aims of the research, what is required of them, and any potential risks that may be involved. For this project, potential participants were provided with full information both in the telephone call to arrange the interview and subsequently at the time of the interview.

In any project, it is the responsibility of the social researcher to ensure that the anonymity, privacy, and confidentiality of the respondents is protected. In order to do this, it is necessary to ensure that the presentation of data and findings does not allow the identity of individuals participating in the study to be disclosed or inferred. In order to achieve this, the interviews were tape recorded and fully transcribed with the permission of the respondent and participants were reassured that no names or any other information potentially allowing their identification would be used in any report or presentation. Additionally, tapes and transcripts were labelled in a coded way (rather than with participants names) to ensure confidentiality. After completion of the research, all tapes and other materials will be destroyed in a safe way (once the final report has been accepted and signed off by the Scottish Executive). Electronic transcripts will be stored for three years in accordance with the terms of the contract. Care has also been taken in reporting to ensure that no individual can be identified.

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