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CHAPTER FOUR EMPLOYMENT AND THE LABOUR MARKET

Introduction

4.1 The second of the three contexts on which we focussed in our survey was the realm of employment. As we argued in Chapter One, we might expect to find that discriminatory attitudes are less common in this less intimate context than in the case of relationships. Our questions embraced three main topics:

• equity and participation in the labour market;
• gender issues in the workplace; and
• competition for jobs in the labour market.

We consider each of these in turn.

Equity and participation in the labour market

4.2 Our questions about participation in the labour market were designed to establish the extent to which people accept that everyone should have the same rights to seek and secure employment. Our principal method for doing so was to ask about the suitability of different kinds of people for employment as a primary school teacher. This profession was chosen on the grounds that because such teachers have responsibility for the care of younger children, it might be considered a relatively 'sensitive' form of employment and so might be more likely to uncover evidence of discriminatory attitudes. In addition, we also asked a more general question about the participation of older people in the labour market.

Who is suitable to be a primary teacher?

4.3 Respondents were asked how suitable or unsuitable each of the following were for employment as a primary school teacher.

• A man
• A woman
• A gay man or lesbian
• A black or Asian person
• Someone aged 70
• A Muslim person
• Someone who has had a sex change operation
• Someone who from time to time experiences depression
• A Gypsy/Traveller

4.4 In most of these cases those who state that someone would be unsuitable are regarded as expressing a discriminatory attitude. However, so far as the first two groups are concerned, that is men and women, our interest is in whether respondents' answers provide evidence of gender stereotyping. Women have long been disproportionately employed as primary school teachers; so anyone who suggests that women are more suitable as primary school teachers than men may be considered to have a stereotypical view of the profession.

4.5 Table 4.1 presents the responses to this question in order of the proportion who said that a group was fairly or very unsuitable. In three cases around half reckoned that such a person was unsuitable, while less than a quarter thought they were suitable. These were a person with depression (51% thought they were unsuitable), a Gypsy/Traveller (49%), and a person aged 70 (48%). Meanwhile, more or less as many people had doubts about the suitability of a transsexual person as did not. Almost a third (32%) thought such a person would be suitable while just slightly fewer (30%) thought they would be unsuitable.

Table 4.1 Who would make a suitable primary school teacher?

Note: the suitability gap is the difference between the % who say unsuitable and the % who say suitable

4.6 In contrast, only a handful said that a man or woman would be unsuitable. However, it is clear from the difference between the responses to these two groups that some people do indeed think that women are more suited to primary teaching than men, something to which we return below. Meanwhile, only 4% say that a black or Asian person would be unsuitable. Rather more give that response so far as a Muslim (15%) or gay man or lesbian are concerned (21%), but even so these are still clearly minority views.

4.7 Nevertheless, evidently it is widely believed that not all groups in society have an equal right to pursue this particular career, should they wish to do so. In the case of a Gypsy/Traveller, this evidence is consistent with that in the previous chapter, where we saw that the prospect of a close relative marrying someone from this group was particularly likely to evoke unhappiness. Evidently discriminatory attitudes towards Gypsies/Travellers are widely held in Scottish society.

4.8 At the same time, we have apparently uncovered evidence of discriminatory attitudes towards two groups that did not feature in our question about prospective marriage partners, that is someone who occasionally experiences depression and an older person. In both cases we have to bear in mind the possibility that our evidence reflects the particular nature of primary school teaching, rather than just attitudes towards the group in question. For example, it may be felt (however erroneously) that someone who occasionally experiences depression would find being in continuous supervision of children too demanding or might be insufficiently enthusiastic or animated to retain children's attention. It might perhaps even be felt, however erroneously, that a person with depression would be 'unsafe' around children.

4.9 In the case of the 70 year old we can bring some further evidence to bear on this possibility. As detailed further below, we also asked whether people should be forced to retire when they reach a certain age. Unsurprisingly, perhaps, two-thirds (66%) of those who believe that older employees must retire in order to make way for younger age groups say that a person aged 70 is unsuitable to be a primary school teacher. However, at the same time almost half (46%) of those who think it is wrong to make people retire just because they have reached a certain age also hold the same view. So, on the one hand those who favour a compulsory retirement age are more likely to state that a 70 year old is unsuitable, suggesting that in part the answers to our question reflect the existence of a discriminatory attitude towards older people in general. But at the same time a sizeable proportion - almost half - of those who do not believe in a compulsory retirement age also express a "discriminatory" attitude on this matter, an indication perhaps that an older person is thought (again however erroneously) to be less likely to make an effective primary school teacher.

4.10 Table 4.2 illustrates how views about primary teaching varied by age, education and people's general attitudes to prejudice. As we would anticipate, the prevalence of discriminatory views is higher amongst those with no qualifications than it is amongst those with higher education. It is also higher amongst older people than amongst those in a younger age group. We might note in particular that once again there is a large gulf between younger and older people's attitudes towards a gay teacher. Just nine per cent of those aged 18-24 said a gay man or lesbian would be unsuitable whereas four times as many of those aged 65 and over (42%) take that view. Meanwhile, we can also note that in general those who say that sometimes there is good reason to be prejudiced are more likely than those who say all prejudice should be eliminated to state that a member of a particular group would be unsuitable. However, this last statement is least true of a person aged 70. This perhaps underlines the suggestion that in part attitudes on this reflect the fact that someone of that age is thought, however erroneously, to be unlikely to be effective as a primary school teacher, rather than because people object to older people working in general.

Table 4.2 Who would not be a suitable primary teacher by education, age and general attitude to prejudice

4.11 We saw in the previous chapter that discriminatory attitudes towards same sex couples were particularly common amongst those who regularly attend a religious service. This finding is replicated here. As many as 31% of those who attend regularly say that a gay man or lesbian would be unsuitable as a primary school teacher, compared with 18% of those who rarely if ever attend. In the case of the remaining six cases in Table 4.2, in contrast, the views of those who practise a religion are not much different from those who do not.

4.12 Contrary to what might be expected there is also some evidence that those who have a primary school age child in the household are less likely to say that someone is unsuitable as a primary school teacher. For example, just 7% of those with a child aged between five and ten in their household say that a gay man or lesbian would be unsuitable as a primary teacher, compared with 23% of those who do not have a child. Equally, those with a primary school age child are nine points less likely to say that someone who occasionally suffers from depression would be unsuitable. These differences are not simply a reflection of the fact that parents of primary school age children are generally younger.

4.13 Meanwhile there is also a tendency for women to be less likely than men to regard someone as unsuitable as a primary school teacher. For example, whereas 52% of men feel that a Gypsy/Traveller would be unsuitable, only 45% of women do so. Equally, while 18% of men think a Muslim would be unsuitable, only 13% of women do so. In the previous chapter, in contrast, we usually found that women were more likely than men to express unhappiness about a prospective marriage partner. The contrast perhaps adds further weight to our suggestion there that the particular importance placed on the quality of emotional relationships by women results in them - unusually - being somewhat more likely to express discriminatory attitudes when asked about relationships.

4.14 In line with the findings of the previous chapter, however, those who say they know someone who belongs to a particular group are less likely to express a discriminatory attitude. As Table 4.3 shows, those who say they know someone who is Muslim, gay or lesbian, or who is from a different racial or ethnic background from themselves are all less likely to say that someone who belongs to these groups is unsuitable to be a primary school teacher. Again, this also appears to be particularly important in the case of a gay man or lesbian.

Table 4.3 Suitability for primary teaching and personal knowledge of specific groups

Gender stereotyping

4.15 As many as 93% of primary school teachers in Scotland are women (Scottish Executive, 2007). Evidently, there is a reluctance on the part of men to become a primary teacher. Part of this reluctance may be due to gender stereotyping; primary school teaching is regarded as "women's" work. Therefore those who say that women are more suited to the job than men may well be indicating support for a gender division of paid employment that may be regarded as discriminatory towards women.

4.16 By comparing how suitable they said men and women are for the job of primary school teacher, we find that as many as 22% regard women as more suitable than men. Moreover, as Table 4.4 shows, those who belong to groups that are more likely to express discriminatory attitudes in response to many of our other questions are also especially likely to regard women as more suitable. For example, only 12% of those with some experience of higher education say that women are more suitable, whereas 34% of those with no qualifications do so. Much the same difference exists between those aged 18-24 and those 65 and over. Equally, those who say that there is sometimes good reason to be prejudiced are rather more likely than those who say that prejudice should be eliminated to indicate a stereotypical view (by 27% to 21%). Together these findings suggest that in part at least a gender stereotypical view of what constitutes "women's work" is rooted in the same outlook as many of our other discriminatory attitudes.

Table 4.4 Gender stereotyping of primary school teaching by age, sex and education

Who has the right to participate in the labour market?

4.17 As mentioned earlier, our survey included a question on compulsory retirement. It read as follows:

Some people say that it is wrong to make people retire just because they have reached a certain age. Others say that older employees must retire to make way for younger age groups. What about you?

4.18 The balance of opinion was unequivocal: 76% said it was wrong to make people retire compared with 20% who said that this was acceptable. It seems that most people accept the right of older people to remain in employment in general, even if they have doubts about their suitability as a primary school teacher in particular. Meanwhile, in contrast to most of the questions asked in the survey, the youngest and oldest groups have identical views on this issue: 27% of those aged 18-24 and those aged 65+ believe in a compulsory retirement age. Instead, the groups that stand out as least likely to believe that older people should make way for younger employees are those aged between 25 and 44. Equally, somewhat unusually, attitudes to this question seem to vary by income. Those on the lowest incomes are most likely to think that older people should retire, perhaps because they are especially concerned that they might find it more difficult to find a reasonably well paid job if older people do not retire. On the other hand we also find a more familiar pattern in that those with no educational qualifications (26%) are almost twice as likely as those with experience of higher education (14%) to say that people should be forced to retire early.

Table 4.5 Attitudes to enforced retirement ages by age, income and area deprivation

Gender issues in the workplace

4.19 Achieving greater gender equality in the workplace was one of the key tasks of one of the Equality and Human Rights Commission's predecessor bodies, the Equal Opportunities Commission. Indeed, nowadays, women are almost as likely to be economically active as men. While 83% of men in Scotland are economically active, so also are 76% of women (Scottish Executive, 2007). Nevertheless, putting family responsibilities before paid employment is still more common amongst women than men. Family or domestic responsibilities comprise the most common reason why women below pensionable age do not work; in the case of men, in contrast, it is long-term illness. Moreover, four in ten (41%) women workers work part-time compared with just one in ten (10%) men. In practice the position of men and women in the workplace is still unequal (Equal Opportunities Commission, 2007). We therefore devoted particular attention to attitudes towards the role of men and women at work and how they balance work and family responsibilities.

4.20 We asked respondents how much they agree or disagree with the following three statements:

A man's job is to earn money, a woman's job is to look after the family

Women who take time off to have a baby should accept they are less likely to be promoted as a result

Fathers should be just as able as mothers to take time off work when their children are ill

4.21 The first statement summarises a traditional gendered division of labour, the second states that if women do work they may have to accept unequal promotion responsibilities, while the third suggests that men should be just as able as women to balance work and family responsibilities. We might anticipate that those who agree with the first statement also agree with the second, as both state a discriminatory point of view. In contrast they might be expected to be more likely to disagree with the third statement.

4.22 Believing that a woman's place is in the home is very much a minority view: just 14% agree with this statement while 68% disagree. Support for the traditional male breadwinner role of the family appears largely to be confined to older people; 36% of those aged 65 and over agree compared with fewer than one in ten of those aged under 55, and only 14% even amongst those aged 55-64. Many of those aged 65 and over will of course have been brought up in the immediate post-war era when relatively few married women worked. Their attitudes thus probably reflect the views of a bygone era rather than an indication that as they get older people are more likely to think that women should remain in the home. Support for this interpretation comes from the British Social Attitudes survey, which has asked the same question on a number of occasions over the last two decades. The resulting time trend suggests that older generations of people, who are more likely to support the traditional view, are gradually being replaced by younger generations who have different experiences of women in the workplace and, consequently, different attitudes (Crompton, Brockmann and Wiggins, 2003).

4.23 In a similar vein, relatively few people believe that women who have children should accept that they are less likely to be promoted as a result: just 22% agreed while 68% disagreed. As we had anticipated, the view is more common amongst those who take a traditional view of gender roles (see Table 4.6). As many as 42% of those who agree that a woman's place is in the home agree that women should accept they are less likely to be promoted if they have a baby. In contrast just 15% of those who do not support the traditional view believe that women should accept any reduction in their opportunities for promotion.

Table 4.6 Attitudes to work life balance issues by support for traditional gender roles

4.24 Overall the attitudes of men on this issue are similar to those of women. While 22% of men agree that women should accept they might have fewer promotion opportunities, so also do 21% of women. However, men (65%) are slightly less likely than women (70%) to disagree with the proposition. In particular we might note that as many as 82% of women who live in a household that contains at least one child aged 17 or under disagree, compared with just 65% of women who live in a childless household. Meanwhile, the presence of a child in the household appears to make little difference to men's attitudes. In short, it seems that women who themselves have had children are particularly resistant to the idea that women who take time off work to have a child should lose out on promotion opportunities as a result.

4.25 There is overwhelming support for fathers having the same ability as mothers to take time off when their children are sick: as many as 85% agree they should while just 9% disagree. In line with their more conservative views on gender roles in general, people aged 65 and over are the most likely to disagree - as many as 23% did so compared with just 5% of those aged under 55 and 14% of those aged 55-64. Indeed, as can be seen be seen in Table 4.6, those who believe that it is a man's job to earn money while a woman's role is to look after the family are also less likely to support fathers having time off. Whereas 92% of those who do not support that traditional view agree that fathers should be equally able to take time off, only 68% of those who have a traditional outlook take that view.

Labour market competition

4.26 The final section of this chapter looks at whether those who might not be considered to be part of the 'indigenous' population of Scotland are regarded as an undesirable source of competition in the labour market. The first question asked along these lines was one about ethnic minorities that we had previously asked in 2002. To it we added this time around a parallel question about those coming to Scotland from Eastern Europe, a recent source of relatively high levels of immigration to Scotland. Respondents were asked to say how much they agreed or disagreed that:

Ethnic minorities take jobs away from other people in Scotland

and

People from Eastern Europe take jobs away from other people in Scotland

4.27 As Table 4.7 shows, almost a third (32%) register concern that Eastern Europeans are taking jobs away from other people in Scotland. Indeed this proportion was slightly higher than the equivalent figure (27%) in respect of ethnic minorities. By implication this suggests that the labour market consequences of immigration from Eastern Europe are now at least as much a source of concern as are the earlier patterns of immigration to Britain from the Commonwealth. In any event, in both cases concern is more common amongst those who are typically more likely to express discriminatory attitudes. For example, only 12% of those with experience of higher education say that ethnic minorities take jobs away, while 18% say the same about people from Eastern Europe. In contrast the equivalent figures amongst those with no qualifications are 39% and 40% respectively. Equally those who say that sometimes there is good reason to be prejudiced are far more likely to express concern than are those who say that prejudice should be eliminated.

Table 4.7 Competition in the labour market by age, education and general view of prejudice

4.28 In contrast, concern is most likely to be expressed by the youngest age group, who are usually less likely to express discriminatory attitudes, rather than by older people. Meanwhile, as Table 4.8 shows, attitudes also differ depending on a person's social class (as measured by the National Statistics Socio-economic Classification) and household income, two attributes that have not otherwise been prominent in this report. As many as two in five (40%) of those in semi-routine and routine occupations feel that ethnic minorities take jobs away, while slightly more, 42%, say the same about people from Eastern Europe. In contrast, amongst those in professional and managerial occupations the equivalent figures are just 15% and 21% respectively. Similar differences exist between those on low and those on high incomes.

4.29 The fact that younger people, those with low household incomes and people who are not in professional or managerial jobs are most likely to express concern about the competition for jobs posed by ethnic minorities and people from Eastern Europe is likely to reflect the fact that their labour market position is less secure than that of their older, more affluent and professional counterparts. Moreover, the recent growth in employment of workers from Eastern Europe has been, in part, focused on sectors of the economy that traditionally employed large proportions of young people (the retail and the hospitality industries). While it may be true that these industries have been facing significant recruitment problems, there may still be a perception amongst younger people, together with those in less secure socio-economic positions, that competition for such jobs is increased by the arrival of people from Eastern Europe.

Table 4.8 Competition in the labour market by socio-economic classification and household income

Conclusion

4.30 For the most part, only a minority express discriminatory attitudes about employment. In many cases only a distinct minority felt that someone from a particular group would be unsuitable as a primary school teacher. Only around one in five appear to have a gender stereotypical view of that profession, few believe that women should not work or accept they may have fewer promotion opportunities if they do work, while the vast majority believe that fathers should be just as able as mothers to take time off work to deal with family responsibilities. Moreover, many of those who do hold these views appear to be older people whose attitudes reflect the values of a past era. By implication such attitudes are likely to become even less common as this older generation passes away.

4.31 On the other hand, there are widespread doubts about the suitability of some people to be primary school teachers. As in the case of relationships, Gypsies/Travellers again emerge as a group about whom discriminatory attitudes are widespread; much the same is true for a transsexual person. In addition, we also uncovered a widespread willingness to bar from primary teaching those who experience episodes of depression and older people, the latter despite the fact most people oppose a compulsory retirement age. It may be that people have doubts about the ability of an older person to cope effectively with the job of being a primary school teacher, rather than that they object in general to older people working. Evidently, even where people may oppose discrimination in the workplace in general, it is still possible for discriminatory attitudes to arise in particular circumstances.

4.32 Meanwhile, although still a minority view, around three in ten do express concern that ethnic minorities and people from Eastern Europe take away jobs from other people in Scotland. This concern is most common amongst those whose position in the labour market is less secure, including, most strikingly, younger people. Perhaps those younger people will become less concerned as they get older and in most cases more secure in their jobs. On the other hand, the level of concern expressed about the impact of people from Eastern Europe is a reminder that social and economic change can sometimes bring with it potential new sources of discriminatory attitudes.

Key points:

• Only a handful of people (4%) think that a black or Asian person would be unsuitable to be a primary school teacher, 15% think this of a Muslim and 21% say the same of a gay man or lesbian.
• Three in ten (30%) express unease about a transsexual person holding such a position while as many as half say that a Gypsy/Traveller, a person who sometimes experiences depression and a person aged 70 would be unsuitable.
• Three-quarters (76%) say that it is wrong to force people to retire at a certain age, so it is possible that views about an older person's suitability for primary teaching are linked to concerns about their ability to cope effectively with such a job.
• People who know someone from a particular group were less likely to say that someone from that group was unsuitable. Parents of primary school aged children were also less likely than people without a child to say that someone was unsuitable.
• Older people, those with no qualifications and those who think that prejudice is acceptable are more likely to regard someone as unsuitable.
• A fifth (22%) adopt a stereotypical viewpoint that women are more suitable than men for primary school teaching, a view more commonly held by older people, men and those with no qualifications.
• Only a minority (14%) say that women should stay at home while men should go out to work, a view most commonly held amongst those 65 and over, and relatively few (22%) believe that women should accept reduced promotion opportunities as a result of having children.
• Around three in ten express concern that people from Eastern Europe and people from ethnic minorities take jobs away from other people in Scotland. This view is most common among younger people and those whose place in the labour market is less secure.

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