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CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSIONS
How do people feel about homeless people and how do views vary between groups?
8.1 Public attitudes to homeless people appear to be widely divided. For example, while half think most homeless people have just been unlucky in their lives, around 3 in 10 disagree that this is the case. Moreover, significant proportions appear to hold critical attitudes towards the motives and behaviour of people who say they are homeless, with 45% believing that they could find somewhere to live if they 'really tried' and 35% that many people say they are homeless just to try and get a house from the council.
8.2 Individual responses to homeless people are also complex. For example, it is perfectly possible for people to express apparently 'sympathetic' views in one respect (for instance, believing that most homeless people have just been unlucky) and also hold other, more 'critical' views (for example, that homeless people could find somewhere to live if they 'really tried'). Further, people may hold 'sympathetic' views about homeless people 'in general', while still feeling uncomfortable about the prospect of homeless households being re-housed near them.
8.3 Misconceptions about homelessness appear to be widespread. In particular, 6 in 10 people believe (incorrectly) that most homeless people sleep rough outside sometimes. However, around 1 in 5 also believe what might be described as negative 'stereotypes' of homeless people - that most homeless people use hard drugs, or that most end up being homeless because of drink problems.
8.4 The belief that most homeless people sleep rough at some point was widespread across all social groups in Scotland. However, groups that stand out as generally more likely to hold more 'critical' or negative views about homeless people include:
- men (compared with women)
- people in the oldest (aged 65 or above) and youngest (18-24) age groups
- those with no qualifications, and
- those who are more authoritarian in their general values and beliefs.
8.5 While income and area deprivation are less strongly associated than other factors with most of the attitudes we explored, being more affluent and living in less deprived areas of Scotland is strongly associated with feeling uncomfortable with the idea of homeless people being re-housed very near to where you live. In spite of the fact that those in the most deprived areas are more likely to feel that homeless people cause problems in their areas, they are less likely to say they would feel uncomfortable with the prospect of homeless people moving near to them.
Policy implications
8.6 The remit of the Awareness Raising and Best Practice subgroup is to advise on how best to challenges myths and disseminate accurate information on the reality of being homeless. Our findings suggest that a key myth which the Scottish Government may wish to challenge in their future work is the belief that most homeless people sleep rough. Although our survey did not explore understandings of 'homelessness' directly, the finding that a majority of people believe most homeless people sleep rough suggests that it may commonly be equated with 'rooflessness'. If the Scottish Government wants to increase understanding of homelessness as a severe form of housing need, which is not necessarily or usually equivalent to 'rooflessness', then it needs to challenge this widely held misconception.
8.7 Future work could also highlight the background and situation of different homeless people, to challenge more 'critical' views of the motives and behaviour of homeless people, as well as the belief that homelessness is usually associated with drink and drugs. Although significant minorities across all social groups hold these views, campaigns may wish to target those identified as holding particularly negative or 'unsympathetic' views (as described above).
8.8 It is also worth noting that any future work which aims to challenge stereotypes about homelessness will need to think carefully about the sex and age of the homeless people they present, as our findings suggest that attitudes to individual homeless people may vary depending on their age and sex.
How far are public attitudes to homelessness in tune with the direction of Scottish Executive policy?
8.9 The Scottish Government plans to abolish distinctions between homeless people based on whether or not they are in 'priority need' by 2012. Our findings suggest that public opinion may have some way to go before it is line with this decision. Six in ten people believe that some homeless people are more deserving of help than others and that some kinds of homeless people should get more help than others.
8.10 The groups people consider most and least deserving of help generally reflect current guidance. Those with children, victims of domestic abuse and people with mental health problems are all commonly seen as among those who should get the most help. On the other hand, those who have just moved to Scotland, have drug or alcohol problems or have been evicted for being a noisy neighbour (none of whom would automatically be classed as 'priority need' under current guidelines unless they were vulnerable) are among those most commonly identified as 'least deserving'.
8.11 Taken together, these findings clearly suggest that people in Scotland may require some persuading of the rationale for dropping the priority currently given to some groups of homeless people over others. However, in interpreting findings on which groups are commonly considered 'less deserving' is important to note that some of these (particularly 'noisy neighbours', but also potentially those who are homeless because of drug and alcohol problems) may more likely than other groups to be found 'intentionally homeless'. Thus in one sense, people who consider these groups less deserving of help are not necessarily out of step with the direction of government policy, since these groups may still be entitled to less help in future (as a result of being judged 'intentionally homeless').
8.12 'Problem neighbours' also stand out as the group most people agree should not receive any help from the council with finding a new home - 8 out of 10 people think this. Again, in one sense, this is broadly in tune with the direction of Scottish Government policies - those evicted for anti-social behaviour will still have fewer rights than other groups of homeless people, even after the 2003 Act has been fully implemented. However, it may also suggest that the view that people made homeless as a result of anti-social behaviour should not have any rights to social housing is more prevalent than the Scottish Government might wish.
8.13 In relation to other groups of people who might be considered 'intentionally homeless' under current guidance, public opinion appears to be more favourable. A majority think that:
- a 30 year-old who has moved out of their home after splitting up with their husband or wife
- a person who says they can no longer live in their flat because their neighbours are too noisy
- a 16 year-old girl who currently lives with her parents, but has a one year-old child and wants to move out, and
- a person who has lost their home because they could not keep up with their rent payments
should 'definitely' or 'probably' get help finding a new home. Although local councils currently exercise a degree of discretion in interpreting 'intentionality' (as described in Rosengard et al, 2006), all these situations could potentially be cited as reasons for deeming someone 'intentionally homeless'.
8.14 At present, 'intentionally homeless' households are entitled to only temporary accommodation and advice and assistance. The 2003 Act will improve their rights by changing the 'duty' on local authorities to investigate intentionality to a 'power'. Our findings suggest that public opinion is broadly in tune with the notion that at least some sorts of 'intentionality' are irrelevant to whether or not someone experiencing homelessness should be entitled to help, and is thus likely to be supportive of this change. The 2003 Act also expands the rights of those still found to be 'intentionally homeless' by entitling them to Short Scottish Secure Tenancies with appropriate support (provided they are not homeless as a result of anti social behaviour). In general, our findings suggest public opinion is broadly in tune with such moves to provide these groups with more help finding a new home. However, attitudes are somewhat more divided with respect to whether a 17 year-old who has left home after a serious argument with their parents should get such help or not. Thus it is possible that there may be some circumstances where the new rights of 'intentionally homeless' households to a Short Secured Tenancy may prove slightly more controversial.
Policy implications
8.15 Our findings suggest that some work may be needed to convey the rationale and desirability of abolishing distinctions between different homeless people if the Scottish Government wishes to ensure public support for the abolition of priority need by 2012. The Scottish Government may also wish to increase understanding of the circumstances and needs of particular groups of homeless people who appear to be commonly considered 'less deserving' of help. These include:
- those evicted for anti-social behaviour, who are the group most likely to be viewed as least deserving of help (especially by older people, owner occupiers and those who are more authoritarian in their values)
- those with drug and alcohol problems and prison leavers (again, especially among the more authoritarian), and
- those who have just moved to Scotland.
Future research
8.16 As discussed in Chapter One, this is the first time public attitudes to homelessness have been explored in detail in a large-scale, Scotland-wide survey. As such, it is worth reflecting on what future research these findings might suggest. First, given a fixed number of questions and a desire to avoid contaminating responses to later items, it was not possible in our survey to explore public understandings of the term 'homelessness' and the kinds of situations people believe this covers in any detail. Given the interest in challenging stereotypes of people experiencing homelessness, it would seem worth pursuing this issue further. Initially, this could be explored in qualitative research which could be used to map and understand the range of different understandings of homelessness that people hold. However, if the Scottish Government is interested in mapping the extent of (changing) understandings of homelessness in Scotland, this could be followed up with a larger-scale survey.
8.17 Second, we found that around a third of people would feel uncomfortable if they heard that houses or flats very near them were to be used to re-house homeless people. This concern was particularly high among those living in more affluent areas. Given the Scottish Government's desire to promote socially-mixed communities in Scotland, as well as to challenge negative stereotypes about homeless people, it seems worth exploring the reasons for people feeling uncomfortable at this prospect in more detail. Again, qualitative research may be a useful tool for mapping and understanding the range of views and concerns about this issue.
8.18 Finally, our findings suggest that attitudes to people experiencing homelessness may vary depending on both the sex and the age of the individual homeless person concerned. Again, this is something that might usefully be explored further, particularly if the Scottish Government wishes to design future public campaigns to challenge negative views about homeless people. A clearer understanding of how the individual characteristics of homeless people, as well as their background and circumstances, impact on attitudes (and why) seems desirable inform the design of any such campaign.
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