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CHAPTER FIVE: 'DESERVING' HOMELESS PEOPLE?

Introduction and background

5.1 The current law on homelessness entitles all homeless people to advice and assistance and provides temporary accommodation. The Scottish local authorities are able to make distinctions between different groups of people experiencing homelessness when deciding who is entitled to permanent accommodation. Particular groups are considered to be more vulnerable because of their individual characteristics or circumstances and are therefore treated as in 'priority need' of local authority help. People deemed to be in priority need will have a right to permanent accommodation (if found to be unintentionally homeless), while those not considered to be in 'priority need', or in priority need and intentionally homeless, are only entitled to temporary accommodation.

5.2 As discussed in Chapter One, one of the key provisions of the 2003 Homelessness etc. (Scotland) Act was the expansion of the category of 'priority need'. Prior to the 2003 Act, 'priority need' groups included:

• pregnant women (or people who live with a pregnant woman)
• individuals with dependent children
• people homeless due to disaster or emergency ( e.g. flood or fire), and
• those who are vulnerable because of old age, chronic ill health mental illness, learning or physical disability, or any other reason.

5.3 Following the 2003 Act, 'priority need' was expanded to include:

• 16 and 17 year-olds
• 18-20 year-olds who (a) run the risk of sexual or financial exploitation or involvement in the serious misuse of drug or alcohol or (b) have been looked after by a local authority
• individuals who are at risk of violence or harassment because of their religion, sexual orientation, race, colour or ethnic or national origin
• individuals at risk of domestic abuse
• anyone who is vulnerable as a result of a personality disorder, leaving hospital, prison or the armed forces or other special reasons, or having had a miscarriage or abortion. ²³

5.4 However, the Scottish Government has gone even further by setting a target date of 2012 for the complete abolition of the 'priority need' test. The abolition of the priority need category will mean that the right to permanent accommodation will be extended to all people who find themselves unintentionally homeless ²⁴, not just those considered particularly vulnerable because of their individual characteristics or situation. In the statement on the abolition of priority need given by the then Communities Minister, Malcolm Chisholm, said:

"We believe it is no longer right to assume that homelessness should be responded to on the basis of the characteristics of the household. All homeless people should have the same opportunity to access accommodation (…) Rather than bureaucratically categorising and labelling applicants, we want to move to a system where decision-making and outcomes are firmly focussed on applicants' needs."
(Scottish Executive, 2005)

5.5 In this chapter, we explore the extent to which the Scottish Government's desire to remove distinctions between different groups of people experiencing homelessness when allocating help and housing is shared by the general public. The key questions we will address are as follows:

Key questions

• Do people see some homeless people as more deserving of help than others?
• Who thinks some people should get more help than others?
• Who is seen as most and least deserving of help?

Exploring attitudes to priority need

5.6 The list of people considered to be in 'priority need' includes both categories that relate to a person's circumstances and categories relating to their personal characteristics. We explored attitudes towards both types of reasons for 'priority need' in our survey. We asked people, first of all whether they thought that people who become homeless for different reasons are all equally deserving of help, or whether some are more deserving than others. Those who said some were more deserving than others were then presented with a showcard with various reasons why a person might become homeless, including:

• Family break up*
• Leaving prison +
• Drug or alcohol problems
• Leaving hospital +
• Mental health problems*
• Financial problems
• Leaving over-crowded accommodation
• Young person leaving a children's home+
• Evicted for being a noisy neighbour
• Victim of domestic abuse+
• Have just moved to Scotland
• Other (respondents were asked to say what).

5.7 They were asked which of these they thought were most and least 'deserving of help'. We also presented respondents with a list of different kinds of people, including:

• Young single woman
• Young single man
• Young single parent with children*
• Married couple with children*
• Middle-aged person who has just got divorced
• Someone aged over 65*

They were asked to say whether they thought some of these people should get more help finding a new home than others, or whether they should all get the same amount of help.

5.8 The two questions include: categories which definitely or probably would fall under the definition of priority need prior to the 2003 Act (indicated by a * in the list above); ²⁵ categories which fall under the expanded definition of priority need introduced by the 2003 Act (indicated by a + in the list above); and other categories which would not currently be considered to be 'priority need' unless the applicant was considered to be vulnerable.

5.9 We suspected that people's attitudes to different reasons for considering people in 'priority need' might differ. For example, some (though not all) reasons associated with an individual's circumstances, like the fact they have just left prison, may be viewed as something the individual is responsible for. However, categories associated with their individual characteristics, like age, may be viewed differently because they are outwith the individual's control. We therefore attempted to separate these two categories of reasons as far as possible, dealing with reasons associated with circumstances in the first question and reasons associated with individual characteristics in the second. In practice though, the two types of reasons are not completely discrete. For example, young people who have just left care are considered in priority need both because of their individual characteristics (age) and their circumstances (having been looked after). Moreover, individuals clearly cannot always be viewed as 'responsible' for the circumstances they find themselves in - for example leaving care or leaving hospital.

Do people think some homeless people should get more help than others?

5.10 As shown in figures 5.1 and 5.2, people in Scotland do appear to make distinctions between different groups of homeless people when thinking about who should or should not receive help. Six in ten think that some people who become homeless for different reasons are more deserving than others. A similar proportion believes that some kinds of homeless people should get more help than others. Thus it appears that public opinion is not currently in tune with the ultimate direction of Scottish Government policy which seeks to abolish such distinctions.

Figure 5.1 People who become homeless for different reasons all equally deserving of help, or some more deserving than others?

Base: all respondents (1,594)

Figure 5.2 Some kinds of people should get more help finding a new home than others, or should all get same amount?

Base: all respondents (1,594)

Who thinks some people should get more help than others?

5.11 In order to explore who is most likely to make distinctions between different groups of homeless people, we carried out logistic regression analysis. As described in Chapter Three, logistic regression allows us to explore the relationship between a number of different factors, including demographics, underlying beliefs and contact with homeless people ²⁶, and the belief that some groups are more deserving or should get more help. Usefully, it allows us to see which factors are most strongly associated with these beliefs after the relationships between these factors are taken into account. We analysed factors associated with thinking (a) some people who become homeless for different reasons are more deserving of help than others and (b) that some kinds of homeless people should get more help than others. Unless otherwise stated in the text, the tables in this chapter only include factors that are significantly and independently associated with these beliefs in our regression analysis.

People who have become homeless for different reasons

5.12 Taking attitudes towards people who have become homeless for different reasons first, we find that those in the youngest and those in the oldest age group are more likely to discriminate between different groups (Table 5.1). Sixty-four per cent of 18-24 year-olds and 63% of those aged 65 or older think some groups are more deserving than others, compared with 54% of those in the 25-34 age group and 53% of those aged 55-64. This may reflect the finding in Chapter Three that the youngest and oldest age groups are the most likely to believe that homeless people could find a way out of homelessness if they really tried - perhaps they think some should get less help because they believe they are not trying hard enough to find a route out of homelessness.

5.13 Aside from age, there are relatively few significant variations between different demographic groups. There are no clear or consistent differences by sex, class ²⁷ or income in beliefs about whether people who become homeless for different reasons are equally deserving of help or not. Similarly, variations by tenure and education did not appear to be significant after the relationships between these and other factors are taken into account in regression. Regression analysis does suggest that area deprivation may be significant, but the difference in attitudes between those in the most and least deprived areas of Scotland are still not very large (33% of those in the least deprived, compared with 38% in the most deprived, believe that some people who have become homeless for different reasons are more deserving than others).

5.14 In fact, the factor most strongly related to responses to this question is the extent to which the respondent is more libertarian or more authoritarian in their underlying beliefs and values (Table 5.1 again). Respondents who are generally more liberal are much less likely to think that some groups of homeless people are more deserving than others (48%, compared with 63% of those who are more authoritarian).

Table 5.1 Equally deserving or some more deserving than others BY significant demographic and other factors²⁸

5.15 Thus it appears that it is not specific demographic groups ( e.g. men, owner-occupiers, specific socio-economic groups etc.), but rather those with particular underlying values who are most out of step with the direction of Scottish Government policy on abolishing priority need. That said, it is worth noting that even among the most libertarian respondents, more people think some homeless people are more deserving than others (48%) than think them all equally deserving (46%).

Different kinds of homeless people

5.16 In relation to our second question, whether some kinds of homeless people, such as single parents with children, older people etc., should get more help finding a new home than others, we found relatively little variation in responses by either demographic or attitudinal factors. Only sex and class are statistically significant. Women are more likely than men to feel that all kinds of people are equally deserving of help (46% compared with 38% - see Figure 5.3), perhaps reflecting the fact that women appear more sympathetic towards homeless people in general ( as noted in Chapter Three). The relationship with class is more difficult to interpret - it appears that small employers and own account workers (which includes the self-employed) are the group most likely to say that all kinds of people are equally deserving of help. The reasons for this are unclear, however.

Figure 5.3 Some kinds of people should get more help finding a new home or all get same amount BY sex

Base: Men (701), women (893)

5.17 In contrast with attitudes to people who have become homeless for different reasons, those who are more libertarian and those who are more authoritarian display little difference in their attitudes to different kinds of homeless people. This offers some support to our suggestion that different considerations may affect responses to the two questions. Perhaps those who are more authoritarian are more inclined to make distinctions between different groups of homeless people on 'moral' lines - if they believe a homeless person is partly responsible for their circumstances, they may feel they are less deserving of help. This theory is explored in more detail below, where we consider who is seen as most and least deserving of help.

5.18 In summary then, we found relatively little variation along socio-demographic or other lines on either of our two questions about who should get most help. This suggests that many people across social and demographic 'divides' may need convincing of the arguments for abolishing distinctions between different groups of homeless people.

Who is seen as most and least deserving of help?

5.19 We have seen that around 6 in 10 people think some groups of homeless people should get more help than others. As discussed in the introduction, although the Scottish Government plans to phase out priority need by 2012, current guidance does still allow for such distinctions. In this section, we examine the extent to which public attitudes appear to match the current legal position - do the groups the public consider to be most deserving reflect current categories of priority need?

5.20 Broadly speaking, our findings suggest that public attitudes are in line with current definitions of priority need (Table 5.2). Three of the four groups of homeless people most commonly identified as being 'most deserving' of help (victims of domestic abuse, people with mental health problems and young people leaving children's homes) are all clearly defined as in 'priority need' by current guidance. The fourth group, people who have become homeless as a result of family break-up, are also likely to be considered in 'priority need' if they have dependent children. Moreover, of the four groups considered most likely to be considered 'least deserving' of help, only one (those who are homeless after leaving prison) is currently included in definitions of priority need. The other three (those evicted for being noisy neighbours, those who have just moved to Scotland and those with drug or alcohol problems) would not at present be considered in priority need unless there were additional extenuating circumstances (for example, if they were also young, or also at risk of domestic abuse), or if they were considered vulnerable.

Table 5.2 Who is seen as most and least deserving of help?²⁹

Base: all respondents (1,594)

Key to table:

• * indicates categories which fall under the definition of priority need prior to the 2003 Act,
• + indicates categories which fall under the expanded definition of priority need introduced by the 2003 Act;
• and unmarked indicates other categories which would not currently be considered to be 'priority need' unless the applicant was considered to be vulnerable.

5.21 Beliefs about the kinds of people who should get most help also appear to be in line with current policy on 'priority need'. The top three groups people think should get most help finding a new home are: single parent families; married couples with children; and people aged over 65 (Table 5.3). All of these are covered by current definitions of priority need.

Table 5.3 Which kinds of people should get most help finding a new home?³⁰

Base: all respondents (1,594)

Who thinks particular groups are less deserving?

5.22 In terms of the future direction of Scottish Government policy, it seems worth looking in more detail at who believes specific groups are less deserving of help than others. The four groups considered 'least deserving' by the highest proportion of respondents are:

• those who have been evicted for being a noisy neighbour (35% of all respondents);
• those who are homeless because of drug and alcohol problems (17%);
• those who are homeless after leaving prison (14%)
• and people who have just moved to Scotland (14%).

5.23 It is important to bear in mind in interpreting these findings that some people who fall into these groups (particularly 'noisy neighbours' but also potentially those who are homeless because of drug and alcohol problems) may more likely to be found 'intentionally homeless'. 'Intentionally homeless' households will not be automatically eligible for permanent accommodation, even after the 2012 target date for abolishing distinctions based on 'priority need' (see Chapter Six for a more detailed discussion of 'intentionality'). In one sense then, people who think 'noisy neighbours' and those with drug and alcohol problems less deserving of help are not necessarily out of step with the direction of government policy, since these groups may still be entitled to less help in future.

5.24 However, prison leavers cannot be classed as 'intentionally homeless', and there is no obvious reason why those who have just moved to Scotland would be considered to be so. Further, potential considerations about 'intentionality' aside, we would still argue that those who think any of these groups 'least deserving' are the people whose views are furthest away from the aspiration underlying the abolition of priority need that 'All homeless people should have the same opportunity to access accommodation' (Scottish Executive, 2005).

5.25 The factors most commonly and clearly associated with believing any of these four groups are among those 'least deserving' are tenure and respondents underlying libertarian/authoritarian beliefs (Table 5.4). Owner occupiers are more likely than private renters to think that 'noisy neighbours' and people who have just moved to Scotland are among the groups 'least deserving' of help. For example, 38% of owner occupiers placed 'noisy neighbours' in this category, compared with 27% of private renters ³¹. Differences by tenure in attitudes to those with drug and alcohol problems and those leaving prison are not significant, however.

5.26 Given the finding that those who hold more libertarian views are much more likely than those who are more authoritarian to consider all homeless people equally deserving of help, it is unsurprising that they are also less likely to identify any of these groups as 'least deserving'. However, it is perhaps worth noting that the gap between libertarian and authoritarian attitudes is particularly pronounced in relation to people with drug and alcohol problems and those who have just left prison. For example, those who hold more authoritarian views are more than twice as likely as those who hold more libertarian views to think that people who are homeless after leaving prison are 'least deserving' of help (18%, compared with 7%). Again, this suggests that attitudes towards people who have become homeless for different reasons may in part be shaped by 'moral' judgements about whether or not they are responsible for their circumstances.

Table 5.4 Proportion who think each group 'least deserving' of help (%) BY tenure and underlying libertarian/authoritarian beliefs

Key points

• People in Scotland do appear to make distinctions between different groups of homeless people when asked to think about who should get help. Around six in ten think both that some who become homeless for different reasons are more deserving than others, and that some kinds of homeless people should get more help than others.
• The view that some should get more help than others appears widespread across different social groups. Even among respondents who are generally more libertarian in their outlook, the proportion who think some are more deserving than others outweighs the proportion who say all homeless people are equally deserving.
• The groups of people seen as most deserving of help broadly reflect the Scottish Government's current categories of priority need - for example, victims of domestic abuse, people with mental health problems and young people leaving children's homes. Similarly, between 3 in 10 and 4 in 10 people think that single parent families, married couples with children and older people should get more help than others in finding a new home.
• The groups people are most likely to think ' least deserving' also reflect the current legal position - those who have just moved to Scotland, those with drug and alcohol problems and those who have been evicted for being noisy neighbours. None of these groups are covered by current 'priority need' categories unless they are vulnerable. Prison leavers are the only group currently covered by priority need guidance who are commonly considered among the least deserving of help.
• Owner-occupiers are more likely than private renters to think that 'noisy neighbours' are among those least deserving of help (38%, compared with 27%).
• Those with more libertarian attitudes are much less likely than those with more authoritarian beliefs to consider people who are homeless after leaving prison among those 'least deserving' (7%, compared with 18%). This may suggest that attitudes to some groups of homeless people are shaped by 'moral' judgements about whether or not they are responsible for their own circumstances.

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