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2. The Scottish Context for Ethnic Minority Communities
2.1 Ethnic minority communities in Glasgow
The city of Glasgow has been a particular site of immigrant life in Scotland for at least 150 years. Different waves of migration have formed the city: Irish, Highland Gaelic, Jewish, Polish, Lithuanian, Italian, South and East Asian among others. New groups continue to arrive. Some of these early groups have become integrated into the 'white' population of the city but there are still strong community ties, mainly along religious and cultural lines, among some groups such as the Scots-Irish.
At the beginning of the 21st century, Glasgow had a residential population of over 600,000, making it the largest city in Scotland. Natural change and out-migration has meant that the city's population has been declining for several years. However, this decline is now slowing down and the ethnic minority population has been increasing. Data on immigration shows that 34% more foreign born people were living in Scotland in 2001 compared to 1991, making it one of the fastest growing rates in the UK. The city has a higher black and minority ethnic population than Scotland as a whole, although still predominantly 'white' (nearly 95%).
According to the Scottish 2001 census, 3.44% of Glasgow's population were born outside Europe (the average for England and Wales is 6.6%). The percentage for those born in Europe but outside the UK was 1.07%. In this census, 94.5% of the population described themselves as 'white'; 0.72% as 'Indian'; 3.04% as 'Pakistani and other South Asian'; 0.67% as 'Chinese'; and 1.02% as 'other'. Also according to this census, in 2001, 13% of the population was aged between 5 and 15 and 10.5% of the pupil population was from ethnic minority groups (about 2500 in total, including asylum seekers). Most of these pupils' parents or grandparents were the original immigrants to this country.
Recent figures (National Statistics Online, asylumscotland.org.uk and Home Office Asylum Statistics) show that despite the fact that 30,000 people left the country in 2005, there were 38,000 new arrivals, including expatriate Scots and new immigrants. About half of these are Polish, coming as new members of the European Community. In the past two years, more than 32000 Eastern Europeans have settled in Scotland (mostly to work in catering and hospitality or agriculture) keeping the population above 5 million ( The Herald 23 August 2006). These figures have sparked a mixed reaction, as on the one hand it is recognised that Scotland needs help in maintaining a growing population, and yet on the other, there are the fears associated with admitting 'too many' foreigners, in terms of employment, benefits and cultural losses. These issues are frequently evident in Scottish newspapers, such as the front page headline 'Door closing on new Europeans who are helping Scotland grow' ( The Herald 23 August 2006), or the editorial for the same date on the 'benefits of immigration' to the country.
Although there are no exact statistics for asylum-seekers and refugees, 5640 were receiving accommodation and subsistence in 2005 from the National Asylum Support Service under its dispersal scheme which began in 2000. They come from 54 countries, with Turkish, Pakistani, Iraqi, Iranian and Somali refugees being the largest national groups. The vast majority of asylum-seekers are concentrated in a three areas of Glasgow: North (in Cowlairs 16%; Balornock 14%; Garngad 8%), South (in Pollokshaws 12%) and West (in Scotstoun 8%). They compose just under 1% of the total city population (Lewis 2006).
As Menter, Cunningham and Sheibani (2000) remind us, it is important to distinguish between the needs of children who are asylum seekers or refugees and the different needs of children who are second or third generation members of a more established ethnic minority community. The former will probably have come to the host country with experiences arising from the particular conflicts in their countries of origin. These conflicts may have included the loss of parents, carers or other family members and a disruption to their education. Once they arrive, there are issues about accommodation and relationships to other communities, including other refugee or established communities. Other differences in experience (many of which emerged in the course of our interviews with the children in this study) include parent/child relationships and educational systems in their culture of origin. Parents' or carers' views about education and schooling, about the new culture and its language, will also influence children's attitudes. Finally, there is the issue of having to learn a new language which is determined by factors such as age and the proximity of the mother tongue to English.
Since Devolution there has been a growing debate and awareness about race and ethnic minority communities in Scotland. Kelly has written several critical articles on where Scotland stands on matters of racism and the reception of asylum seekers. She contends that even though Scottish issues are beginning to be considered alongside British issues, they are still being sidelined. These main issues in Scotland, according to Kelly, are 'ruralism and urbanism', 'poverty and inequality' and 'ethnic enclaves'. She also points out that a proper infrastructure has not been created for the reception of asylum-seekers and concludes that 'For Scotland, there is considerable danger that the disorderly dispersal programme will harden polarities in opinion and behaviour, precisely the conditions in which racism and xenophobia thrive' (Kelly 2000: 20).
In 2001, the journal Multicultural Teaching published a themed issue on '"Race" and the New Scotland' (vol 20, no. 1) in order to 'begin to plug the gap in the literature' on race and equality issues in Scotland after devolution. The various articles highlight how these issues have been neglected and minority communities have been ignored, based on the 'facts' that statistics are still not very high and that the problems of 'native' Scots should be addressed first (Gessesse 2001: 12). An article by John Landon focuses on Scotland's particular linguistic history (which is different from other parts of the UK) and therefore on the challenges that sustaining and developing community languages, including Gaelic and Scots, pose for schools and educational policy. Landon urges 'the government of a newly devolved Scotland to consider the benefits of defining itself as a multilingual nation, in which linguistic, cultural and ethnic pluralism is treated as the norm and not as a problem' (Landon 2001: 34).
Despite these criticisms, in the last few years there has been an increase in the support services for asylum seekers and refugees as well as several government campaigns and projects for integrating immigrants, particularly in Glasgow, such as the Scottish Executive's One Scotland campaign. The Scottish Refugee Council holds events in the city during Refugee Week. The Glasgow Anti-Racist Alliance and the Glasgow Asylums Seekers Support Programme also participate in these events. There is a bilingual support unit for each of Glasgow's New Learning Communities, although recent research has highlighted the discrepancy between numbers of bilingual pupils and bilingual support staff (Cassells 2006). Some initiatives have included asylum-seeking children reflecting on their experiences and that of others, such as the Refugee Week Schools Project for Scotland 2005 (Save the Children) and an Oxfam project in which refugee pupils interviewed their native Scottish peers about their views on immigrants. 1
Since 2000, legislation related to race, ethnic minorities and bilingualism has continued to appear, such as the Standards in Scotland's Schools Act 2000, the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 and The Education (Additional Support for Learning) (Scotland) Act 2004. These have not only raised the profile of bilingual learners but have also raised issues about racism within educational institutions. Research has also continued. A report on public attitudes towards asylum seekers in Scotland (Lewis 2006) suggests that a more positive attitude in this country (compared to that of England) may be due to the positive discourse of the Scottish Executive and of the Scottish media, who have promoted a more welcoming attitude and a more positive image of asylum seekers. Lewis also suggests that 'a strong sense of national identity and pride may also increase tolerance, as people do not fear their culture may be damaged' (Lewis 2006: 9). However, the study found people in Glasgow were generally hostile to asylum seekers and made little distinction between them and settled ethnic minority communities.
Although this report focused on asylum seekers it discovered similar contradictions to those found in the Scottish attitude towards migration, more tolerant in some ways, but less so in others. There were significant differences of opinion between those living next to asylum seekers and those having no contact with them; the latter were 'overwhelmingly' more positive, especially those who knew a family or asylum seeker well. Age had an impact in that those who had been to schools with a larger ethnic mix tended to be more positive, yet there was an increase in hostility among young people in tertiary education, perhaps because they felt less confident about their own futures, particularly among those who would be competing for lower-skilled jobs.
Black and minority ethnic background respondents found that the city was more welcoming because it was more multicultural but were as hostile as their white counterparts to the asylum seekers. They resented being identified as or with refugees, and they were anxious about increased racism and fewer employment prospects. Like other Glasgow ethnic groups, few were aware that asylum seekers are not allowed to work. The report concluded that this and other misinformation led to refugees becoming general scapegoats for problems with Glasgow city, such as poor health services, lack of jobs and housing. There was also confusion about labels: 'refugees' were accepted (perhaps because this suggested helping those fleeing from troubles) but not 'asylum seekers'. Other anxieties were related to a concern about the lack of integration, including the issue of immigrants not speaking English. They were associated with crime (trafficking women and drugs) and the presence of Muslims was of particular concern, as they were perceived to live by other rules and to have potential links to terrorism. However, many parents felt it was beneficial for their children to mix with others and had come to know immigrant families through them. This suggests the importance of creating opportunities for meaningful contact between groups; and one of the key spaces where this might take place is the local school.
2.2 Ethnic minority education and bilingualism in Scotland: official documents and policies
Although there has been less research in Scotland on ethnic minority education than in England, 2 academic research and government documents and policies on this issue have increased over the last few years. These have explored the complex situation in which pupils find themselves in terms of their education and the contradictions that emerged as pupils went through the process of integration into their new schools.
Powney et al. (1998) carried out a review for the Scottish Executive on research into ethnic minority education in Scotland. They found that there was a lack of research in most areas and that research in England was not always applicable to the Scottish context. In the first place, they found a lack of accessible statistical information on the education of people from minority groups, such as statistics on the ethnicity of primary and secondary school pupils. Although there had been some development of policies to support education for ethnic-minority groups, there was little monitoring or evaluation for these projects. There was also little or no research into areas such as racism, the effects of bilingualism in learning, school attainment and issues related to teacher education and ethnic minority groups.
However, the reviewers did find some small scale Scottish research into various areas which helped create a picture of the education of minority ethnic pupils. For example, although little research had been carried out on school attainment of these groups, existing findings showed that 'factors that correlate with low attainment, such as unemployment, poverty, and poor housing, are more likely to affect minority ethnic populations in Scotland than their white counterparts' (Powney et al.: xi). Parents were also found to have high educational aspirations for their families, but were often unable to access the information which would allow the children to continue their studies into higher education. This can be linked to the mismatch between parents' and teachers' understanding of philosophies and practices and the suggestion that in some cases the interaction between teachers and pupils could disadvantage those from ethnic minority backgrounds. This occurred when teachers had stereotypical expectations or when they carried out assessment without taking specific needs into account.
In terms of language issues and bilingualism, findings showed that more resources were invested in teaching English as a second language than in providing greater opportunities for developing community languages. The reviewers referred to American research which has shown that in order for bilingualism to be positive, both languages must be developed. Reviewers recommended more research in the area of language and teaching on the following: ethos, the curriculum, home and school links, and language issues.
It would seem that this research review sparked off a number of projects because since its publication many of the key topics have been further investigated and, because of legislative changes which have focussed on equal opportunities, some have led to new policy documents as well. One update of the work of Powney et al. is the chapter on 'Race and Education' in the comprehensive Audit of Research on Minority Ethnic Issues in Scotland from a 'Race' Perspective (Netto et al. 2001). Within language issues in teaching and learning, they found that language learning and bilingualism have been an area of increasing research activity, although some of this involves small samples of particular ethnic groups.
Stead, Closs and Arshad conducted research between 1997 and 1999 on the situation of refugee pupils in Scotland by talking to education authorities, school staff and refugee parents and pupils themselves. They found that whatever their background, and even if they had little knowledge of the Scottish education system, parents placed a great importance on education and getting their children into school was among their first concerns. However, parents were also aware of the consequences of entering education in a new country:
Parents recognized with a mixture of emotions that school, knowingly or unknowingly, can be a means both of transmitting the majority culture to refugee and other minority ethnic children, and, simultaneously, of depriving them of their original culture and language. They expresed pride that their children spoke English so well and understood life here apparently so easily in comparison with themselves. However, they felt deep regret when this brought loss of the home language and history. (Stead, Closs and Arshad 1999: 3)
Another contradiction found by the researchers was that although pupils also placed high value on education and wanted to 'catch up', they did not want attention drawn to them as 'different' (Stead, Closs and Arshad 1999: 5). This issue is not just a Scottish one, as it is one of the key issues identified in the literature on the education of refugee children:
[…] the very process of identification and labelling [of refugee students] may adversely affect the process of adaptation and acculturation these students face under already trying circumstances […] some refugee populations may be 'marginalized', not because they are struggling, but because they are exceeding the levels of performance of the native students. (Hamilton and Moore 2004: 7)
Arshad et al. (2005) describes the experiences of minority ethnic pupils in a range of school settings in Scotland (including three primary schools). Their data focussed on inclusion and on teachers', parents' and pupils' perceptions of education and achievement. Some of their findings are significant for constructing a picture of the interaction between home and school literacies, such as the high value pupils placed on a school's efforts to recognise diversity (by understanding the importance of other languages, faiths and traditions). Parents, teachers and pupils also valued the work of the EAL or Bilingual Support Services. However, there were concerns that bilingual learners were still seen as 'problems' within the education system and some pupils still felt they were perceived as 'outsiders' even if they had been born in Scotland.
I didn't come here for fun… is the title of a publication from Save the Children (2000) on the views of young refugees and asylum seekers in Scotland. Their views on education reflected this desire to learn and to do well at school. An Ofsted report from 2003 on the education of asylum-seekers in London found that 'Many asylum-seeker pupils made good progress in relatively short periods of time and almost all made at least satisfactory progress. The combination of their determination to succeed and the strong support of their parents provided a potent recipe for success' (Ofsted 2003: 6). However, it is important not to talk about 'all' ethnic minorities having the same views and attitudes. A DfES publication from 2005, Ethnicity and Education in England, found marked differences in achievement between different groups of students: Indian, Chinese, White/Asian and Irish pupils who were more likely to gain five or more A*-C grades at GCSE than other ethnic groups, particularly Gypsy/Roma, Travellers of Irish Heritage, Black Caribbean and White/Black Caribbean (DfES 2005: 2). This coincides with findings in Scotland on higher educational qualifications where 46.3% of Indians, 26.8% of Pakistani or other South Asian people and 49.3% of Chinese residents gained a university degree or professional qualification, compared to 30% of 'white' Glasgow residents aged 25-34.
In 2004, Glasgow City Council commissioned a report to improve school education of minority pupils. The result was Effective Teaching and Learning in a Multi-Ethnic Education System by J. Cassells (March 2006). One of the key points of the report was that 'Bilingualism is a strength', meaning that children who maintain two languages do better educationally and are better integrated into both worlds. However, some of the concerns about this point raised by the report became the subject of controversy. In an article in The Herald (15 March 2006), various spokespersons for ethnic minority and racial equality groups described the findings as stereotypical and narrow. These comments were directed at the report's finding of poor language role models (for both English and the family language) in the homes of ethnic minority families: 'The view was expressed that some British-born bilinguals are becoming British-born semi-linguals talking "Scotch Broth"' (Cassells 2006: 16). To be fair, the report also signalled the poor language role models experienced in schools, due to a lack of ethnic minority teachers and to the fact that for native Scottish teachers courses on bilingual learners are 'optional'.
Among other controversial remarks related to family life, the report stated that some parents 'have no understanding of school' (Cassells 2006: 16) and of their own role within the education system. It also suggested that work and routine often did not allow for enough family time, and that there was as shortage of experiences which Scottish children would be familiar with, such as visits to the pet shop or the seashore, which would have an influence on pupils' understanding of their new culture. The report suggested that 'the teaching approaches experienced in mainstream schools should be shared with Saturday/community/Mosque schools'; however, it is unclear why or how this should be carried out. It also advised commissioning more work on the language of British born bilinguals. However, there was no mention of finding out more about learning practices at home, about different literacies and how these are linked to cultural practices.
In 2005, the document Learning in 2 (+) Languages (produced by LTS and SEALCC and funded by SEED) identified good practice in supporting children who are accessing the curriculum through English as an additional language ( EAL). It provides a general introduction to bilingualism and its advantages in terms of a greater linguistic and critical awareness. It also encourages schools to be more proactive in addressing needs and raising achievement of bilingual pupils through taking account of the cultural and linguistic background of pupils, being aware of the problems with assessment and helping them achieve their potential. Among other things, this is done by creating a welcoming ethos, developing good relationships with parents and carers and creating a more multicultural, multilingual classroom through books, language assistants, and collaborative work.
Ambitious Excellent Schools 2004 and A Curriculum for Excellence propose that all Scottish learners, including bilingual learners, should become successful learners, confident individuals, responsible citizens and effective contributors. These issues are returned to in Section 3. From the research mentioned above, it seems likely that most ethnic minority pupils are keen to learn and to do well in school. They see it as a way forward and most of them enjoy school. Research and policies have progressed in the area of home/school links and there is better statistical data available on minority languages. However, there is still very much that is unknown about the literacy practices that go on in the home, about changing practices in language use in the family and the community, and about practices related to reading and to the use of new technologies for communication, learning and entertainment. In order to address this gap in knowledge, more research needs to be done on ethnic minority attitudes to bilingualism and family or cultural languages, and on looking at texts and literacy practices generally in the home contexts of ethnic minority and bilingual children.
Summary
Although there is a growing body of data and research on minority communities in Scotland, there is still much work to be done on understanding the attitudes, roles and relationships between new pupils, their families and educational establishments. Given Glasgow's history of receiving immigrant communities into its schools, it provides a relevant context for one of the main areas for our research: children's language and literacy development, both at home and at school.
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