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CHAPTER 3 - AWARENESS AND EXPERIENCE OF THE EMA

Introduction

3.1 This chapter considers the views of the 229 young people in schools and colleges to examine their awareness of the EMA and the direct experience of the EMA recipients. It draws on their views of the 3 broad groups of young people:

• 66 pupils in S3 and S4, age-ineligible for the EMA
• 111 pupils and students aged 16 or over in receipt of the EMA
• 52 pupils and students aged 16 or over not in receipt of the EMA

3.2 It also draws on the content of the 236 proformas that were completed by the participants. Table 3.1 breaks down these respondents along the lines of ethnicity and gender for each of the three groups. The gender breakdown of EMA recipients mirrors the national picture of 55% female and 45% male recipients ¹⁸.

Table 3.1: Breakdown of 236 Proforma Respondents by Gender and Ethnicity

3.3 The content of the chapter is based on the qualitative discussions with the young people and the analysis of the information within the proformas which they completed. Responses from young people in each of the 3 groups will be addressed in turn.

S3 and S4 Pupils

3.4 The 32 males and 37 females in these 2 year groups were consulted about their plans for post-compulsory education, the factors that influenced their decisions and their awareness of financial allowances that could assist them with their future studies. The aim was to include pupils at risk of NEET. Whilst there were difficulties for the schools in selecting these pupils, and recognition that the most at risk of NEET were not included because they were already disengaged, there were clearly pupils in this group that were 'turned off' from school.

Future Plans

3.5 Proformas were completed by the 69 pupils in S3 and S4. The majority, 77%, were aged 15 and there were 10 (14%) 14 year olds and 6 (9%) 16 year olds within these year groups. 32% of this group lived in the 15% most deprived areas of Scotland. When asked about their future plans:

• 41% planned to leave school at 16
• 16% planned to leave school at 17
• 20% planned to leave school at 18
• 22 % did not know
• 1% gave no response

3.6 When comparing the national statistics for staying on rates in school ¹⁹, 56.3% of pupils actually left school at 16 in 2006.

3.7 These responses were reinforced by the discussions with young people. Their plans for leaving school at a particular age were directly related to their aspirations beyond school, and these varied significantly amongst individuals and schools.

One male S4 pupil plans to go to University when he leaves school. He has heard that some people are receiving money to go to school but does not know how much or what the criteria is to receive the EMA. He does not think the EMA would have any influence on whether he stays on at school because he has already made that decision. He thinks that, if his application was successful, the EMA would not help with his studies but he could put the money towards his savings for University.

3.8 Looking at the responses to the proforma, the majority (83%) of pupils had a clear idea of what they wanted to do when they left school, with only a few (17%) unsure about what they were going to do at this stage. Most of those with a clear plan for their future (80%) intended to go to college or university or into some form of training with the remainder planning to secure part time or full time work. Table 3.2 overleaf details the respondents' future intentions beyond school. This high level of certainty is likely to have been affected by the methodology. As previously discussed, the requirement to 'tick' specific options left less room for ambiguity and pupils demonstrated more indecision about their future during the interviews when there was a full opportunity for discussion.

3.9 During the qualitative interviews, some pupils voiced clear plans to pursue a specific course at university or follow a particular vocation. Others wanted to further their education, e.g. stay on and gain Highers, in order to secure a better job in the future whilst, in contradiction to the proforma responses, many stated they did not know what they were going to do at this stage. It was not always clear as to why young people were uncertain about their future plans. For some it was simply about waiting for their exam results before deciding on their potential routes for others there was apathy about post-16 activity, possibly due to low aspirations or general disinterest in engaging in the discussion.

Table 3.2: Future Plans after Leaving School/College for S3/S4 Pupils

Post-16 Decision-making Influences

3.10 For many pupils, their decisions rested on some uncertainties, particularly their future educational achievements, but every pupil had a different set of factors and influences that would affect their plans. These included:

• parental expectations
• academic ability
• positive or negative experience of school
• their friends' plans
• employment aspirations
• employment prospects

3.11 Most pupils aged 15 had received some careers advice from guidance teachers, a class-wide careers talk or individual advice from a Careers Officer. Some had been proactive in identifying alternative options to staying on at school, e.g. had completed an application form for a modern apprenticeship or received information from the local college about courses on offer, this was sometimes due to parental encouragement or careers advice. Pupils that had a specific vocation in mind felt that they, " might as well go and do it", and get further ahead in their career rather than increase their qualifications.

EMA Awareness

3.12 The qualitative interviews highlighted that, overall, the young people's awareness of the EMA was not high - most reported having first heard about the EMA as a result of their involvement with the research. However, the completed proformas depicted a different picture with 57% of respondents stating that they were aware of the allowance. According to these responses 33% of those aware had heard about it through family members and 18% had been informed by their teachers.

3.13 The contradiction is likely to be as a result of completing the proforma in advance of the interview and the tendency for some young people who knew they were going to be interviewed about the EMA to tick the box that indicated that they were aware of the EMA, even though they had only just heard about it. In this case the qualitative interviews are more reliable.

3.14 The face to face interviews revealed that where there was some awareness, it was usually due to knowing someone, e.g. sibling, who was in receipt of the EMA. Where there was a level of awareness, most pupils did not know key details, like the allowance amounts or the conditions attached to payment and very few knew that the EMA was available if they attended college. Therefore if the EMA was a factor for some young people when deciding to stay on in education and they were unaware of its availability at college, their choice of course was restricted to what was available in school.

One female S4 pupil is unsure about staying on at school. She has heard of the EMA through some of her older friends who receive it. The most important thing to her is money. She is not sure if she should stay on at school or leave to get a job and earn money as soon as possible. If she decided to stay on at school and did not get the EMA then it would affect her decision as the EMA is really important. She thinks the EMA would encourage her to go to school every day so that she received the weekly allowance. She also believes this would help her to learn more at school. "I f you are off you won't learn as much so the EMA would make a difference and it would make you come into school but don't think it would make you try harder"

3.15 Following discussions about the EMA, including an overview of the requirements to receive the allowance and bonuses, S3 and S4 pupils offered comments on the potential effect that financial assistance might have on their future decision making.

3.16 Most felt that the weekly amount was not a significant enough sum " Its only £30 a week!" and that they would still need to find part time work to have sufficient money whilst studying. Even for those who did not have clear ideas about their future, in general, the EMA was not considered a factor that would encourage them to stay on or go to college. However, a handful of the pupils did acknowledge that the EMA might influence them "I would only come back for the money" - S4 pupil.

3.17 In contrast, the proformas indicated a more influential effect of financial incentives, 43% of respondents said that getting money to stay on at school would encourage them to stay on - this was particularly the case for those planning to go to work (70%) or go to college (74%). Again, the difference in the quantitative and qualitative responses can be explained to some degree by the methodology. The qualitative discussions provided information about the amount of financial incentive and the conditions attached to EMAs, allowing the young people to offer a more informed response to the influence of the EMA as a financial incentive.

3.18 In the proformas, when asked about their plans to stay on at school regardless of money, 49% of all pupils agreed that a financial incentive would not influence their plans to stay on. Of those who identified going to university as their future destination - 94% agreed with the statement. This supported the point made by the majority of the more academically oriented pupils (and their teachers) that they would have stayed on anyway.

3.19 For the significant majority that felt the EMA would not influence their decisions, they still considered the EMA to be a good idea "money for coming to school - quality!", "the EMA would give you money to mess about while you make up your mind about the future" - S4 pupils. As discussed in the next chapter, the EMA provides some pupils with the opportunity to stay on and delay their decision making- this can be viewed as a positive or in a negative light. For example, it can allow a young person to develop academically and socially in readiness for life beyond school, or, it can lead to a young person 'time-filling', pursuing subjects and classes that they are not interested in and that will lead to no educational advancement.

EMA Non-Recipients

3.20 Pupils and students aged over 16 were consulted about their awareness of the EMA, the factors that had influenced their post-16 decision making and their future plans. Amongst the 58 young people who completed the proformas, the majority, 47 (81%) attended school and 11 (19%) studied in an FE setting. 7% lived in the 15% most deprived areas and the majority of the young people in this group were females (62%).

Future Plans and Post-16 Decision Making Influences

3.21 The majority of young people had always planned to stay on at school or go to college. This was due primarily to their career or educational aspirations and although most had received careers advice, the majority were encouraged and advised to do so by their parents. Pupils in this group were most likely to be studying Highers and/or Advanced Highers (80%) and planning to go on to University (55%).

3.22 Along with parental influence, other factors that were taken into account during the decision to stay on at school/attend college included:

• specific career aspirations
• educational ability
• earlier experience of school

EMA Awareness

3.23 This group of pupils remembered being informed about the EMA in assemblies and by local marketing activities like posters in schools. According to the proformas, 67% had thought about applying for the EMA but only 26% actually applied. In discussions with these young people, the most common reason for ineligibility was their parents' income.

One male pupil in who wishes to go to University after school was disappointed to be turned down for the EMA due to his parental income being over the threshold. Receiving the EMA would have had no influence on his decision to stay on or his attitude towards studying but would have meant he would not have to work part time as well as study. He also feels he misses out as his friends that receive the EMA can do more social activities. " It can be difficult as well because I can't do all of the things that people who get the EMA do at the weekend"

3.24 The qualitative interviews highlighted that many of the young people not in receipt of the EMA had a part time job. This was confirmed by the quantitative data within the proformas where 55% had part time work.

3.25 The number doing paid work increased with age - 44% of 16 year olds, 59% of 17 year olds and 100% of 18 year olds ²⁰. Many of the S5 pupils (mainly 16 year olds) commented that they had too much studying to do and this prevented them from working during weekends and evenings. In contrast, most S6 pupils with less timetabled periods had more study time within the school day.

3.26 During the qualitative interviews it was highlighted that those with part time jobs felt like they had greater financial independence and their salaries predominantly met the costs of clothing and socialising. The part time work study ²¹ identified the positive aspects of engaging in part time work - helping the development of personal and social skills, income and therefore greater independence, having attaining core employability skills and possibly resulting in a higher level of enterprising attitudes.

3.27 Nearly all the pupils and students interviewed felt strongly about not receiving the EMA. They viewed it as an unfair system that did not recognise their good attendance and performance. It also meant that many had to juggle their studies and part time work. The part time work study, already mentioned, recognised the benefits of part-working for young people who had to develop skills to organise their time and manage school studies and work. However, aside from identifying increased financial benefits, the young people interviewed did not focus in on any other positives of part time work.

"Sometimes I can be working until 10.30pm, if you have an exam the next day you have no time to study and if I had the EMA I wouldn't work as much."

3.28 The part time work study also highlighted the possible detrimental effects if the young person worked long hours.

3.29 There was a relatively good understanding of the general conditions attached to the EMA:

• 83% identified 100% attendance
• 76% said absences had to be accounted for
• 64% identified punctuality
• 62% recognised behaviour as a EMA measure

3.30 There was also clear understanding of household income as the key eligibility criteria for being awarded an EMA. However, the young people clearly pointed out that their parents did not necessarily give them money because they were earning over the income threshold, " my parents are not rich and cannae give me £30 to get by" S5 pupil.

One female pupil was unsure if she would stay on at school but decided to do her 5 ^th year, she does not know what she would like to do when she leaves school. She thinks the EMA is unfair especially if you have brothers or sisters studying and does not feel that is taken into consideration. " Even if your parents earn more than £30,000 it doesn't mean that you are getting money it doesn't mean that they can afford to give you £30, especially if you have brothers and sisters too and they are at school or at university or college." She thinks everyone should get the EMA and everyone should get the same amount as she believes that the EMA is spent, by the person receiving it, on themselves and is not used to contribute to the household.

3.31 Interviewees in schools identified a number of negative effects that the EMA had - notably encouraging pupils to stay on for financial reasons.

"There are some who come to school just for the EMA they are getting the money for free but are not getting anything out of school…it can be annoying and they can disrupt the class" S5 pupils in 2 local authorities.

3.32 " If total needs staying on for money, its not fair" This view was echoed by a few pupils in most schools and in some cases was backed up by stakeholders who identified pupils who would have been better served by leaving school and pursuing work related training or a suitable vocational course.

3.33 However, this group did recognise the benefits of the EMA for recipients "I have friends who get their EMA and they also work to save for University" - S6 pupil, and stressed that they would not want this allowance to end but rather that it should be extended to include more young people like themselves. Within the quantitative proforma returns, this sentiment was supported with 69% believing that all pupils should get the EMA.

3.34 There were mixed responses as to the effect that any financial assistance would have. For the majority of non-recipients, receiving an EMA would not lead to improved attendance or enable them to give up their job. But, as the quantitative proformas showed, 46% did state that they would have a more positive attitude to school or college.

EMA Recipients

3.35 This was the largest group of young people that were interviewed (111) and who completed proformas (109). In line with the majority of EMA recipients nationwide ²², most participants (71%) who had completed quantitative proformas received the £30 weekly allowance. Within this group of EMA recipients, 86 were school pupils (57% female and 43% male) and 25 attended college, (51% male and 49% female). 29% live in the 15% most deprived areas in Scotland.

Future Plans and Post-16 Decision Making Influences

3.36 In terms of studying for Highers/Advanced Highers and plans to go into higher education, there was little difference between this group and their peers who are not in receipt of the EMA. According to the quantitative proformas, the majority of EMA recipients planned to go to university (49%) or college (33%) and this increased in line with the level of qualification that they were studying towards, i.e. 80% studying for Highers aimed for university and those studying Intermediate 2's planning to go to college or on to a modern apprenticeship (34% and 39% respectively).

3.37 During the interviews with this group, most said that they were always going to stay on at school/go to college, usually because they wanted to gain more qualifications to keep their options open or to go on to higher education. A few pupils did mention the influence of the EMA, one S5 pupil in Glasgow said he had " thought twice about staying on" and the EMA had been another aspect to consider. Therefore, there were mixed messages with many saying that the EMA had not influenced their decision to stay on, whilst a minority claimed that it had been a factor during their decision making.

3.38 The examples that were given about the key influences were similar to that of the other groups of young people. Predominantly these were:

• parent and family members
• future aspirations
• a desire to achieve more qualifications

EMA Experience - School Pupils

Process

3.39 The interviewees had clear recollections of the activities that raised their awareness of the EMA. Assemblies and discussions with guidance teachers were the two most memorable ways in which their awareness was raised. Although the EMA is only available to young people from low income families, there was no stigma attached to applying or receiving the EMA. Those that could recall the application process, remembered it as being quite straightforward - their parents usually completed forms with them and sent the required documentation to the council's offices. For a small group of pupils who had experienced delays in the application process, mentioned similar issues to those raised by EA stakeholders in relation to incomplete applications. Young people identified delays to their application decisions as a result of:

• setting up their own bank account for the first time
• incomplete parental income information
• providing original documentation, like birth certificates
• moving house

3.40 Pupils' awareness of the content of their learning agreements varied, normally as a result of the focus that the school placed on the agreement and their experience to date. In schools where the details within the agreement were very specific and progress was monitored regularly, then awareness was high. For example, in one school, if an EMA recipient was not progressing well in a particular class, e.g. due to attitude, effort, missed lessons, etc, then they could, after a number of warnings, have their EMA stopped for a fortnight and be monitored. This was usually for 2 weeks until their teachers were satisfied with their overall behaviour and performance. This had a significant impact on pupils. Some tolerated the monitoring and changed their behaviour whereas others refused to adhere to the procedure and had their weekly allowance stopped indefinitely.

3.41 In schools where attendance and punctuality was the key focus of the EMA criteria, then these pupils sometimes recalled signing an agreement but overall awareness of the learning agreement was low.

3.42 The actual level of understanding of the specific conditions attached to the EMA in relation to attendance and lateness varied amongst pupils. This was sometimes due to the flexible approach in some schools with regard to certain types of absences or reasons for being late or because the rules relating to EMA conditions were not consistently communicated or reinforced amongst recipients. For example in one school where the guidance teachers are responsible for monitoring the pupils on the EMA, one pupil said " my teacher's strict and I cannae get away with anything". Whereas he felt that the other guidance teachers were more flexible with their pupils in interpreting lateness.

3.43 In cases where weekly allowances or bonuses had not been paid, the main reason was absence rather than behaviour or progress and most pupils accepted and agreed with the payments being stopped. One S5 pupil had her payments stopped because she went on holiday during term time she commented that " it was ma fault so cannae really complain".

A male pupil in 5 ^th year plans to do an apprenticeship after school. He is unsure if he will stay on to 6 ^th year or leave after 5 ^th year it really depends on whether he gets an apprenticeship or not. He has missed EMA payments due to late arrival for classes and absence. He believes the 'rules are strict in this school and we don't even know what all of them are'. He tends to know himself that he might not get paid one week and this does discourage him ' you're allowed 5 late comings and after that you don't get paid and even if you are off one day you may as well be off as you won't get the money anyway if your late'. He doesn't feel particularly informed about the way in which they may lose their EMA and would like more information.

3.44 The qualitative interviews with recipients identified differing levels of understanding about the steps they needed to take with regard to absence and lateness, particularly amongst those who had missed payments. Communication between staff and pupils varied - some were informed when their allowance was going to be stopped and in other schools the stopped payment was only confirmed once pupils checked their bank accounts.

3.45 There were similar differences with communication about the bonus payments. In some schools the receipt of bonus payments were discussed with individuals in advance. In other schools the pupils received a letter about the bonus payment and bonus non-recipients only found out that they had not received it after it had been paid out.

"They told me just before the bonus was paid. I understand why I'm not getting it and they could have told me earlier because I was looking forward to it" - S5 pupil.

Views of the Influence of EMA Payments

3.46 According to the pupils who had always planned to stay on at school, the EMA weekly payments and bonuses had little or no effect on their attendance levels and effort that they put into their studies and this is reinforced by comments made by their teachers. As one pupil explained, " I don't study for my EMA, I study for myself". This sentiment was echoed by a many of the EMA recipients and the weekly allowance and bonuses were quite simply " a bonus" to studying.

A female pupil in 6th year studying Highers wants to go to University after school. Her main reason for staying on at school is to get a good education and to go to University. She thought the EMA would make things easier while she was still as school allowing her to go out, socialise and save up money. She currently receives £30 per week for the EMA; however the EMA has no influence on her decisions. ' I would still be at school, even if it was £10 per week'. She feels the EMA has made a difference in terms of the extra income but that is all.

3.47 Nevertheless, there was a group of pupils who stated that the 2 payment elements of the EMA did make some difference. Weekly allowance changed timekeeping and attendance " makes you determined to be on time" - S5 pupil. Another S6 pupil said "I wouldn't have come in last week before Christmas if I weren't getting the EMA". So, from the young people's perspective the EMA did not have an effect on them staying on but it did have an effect on the timekeeping and attendance of some pupils.

One male pupil applied for the EMA but did not hear he was going to receive it for a few months. Started receiving £30 per week and got his payments backdated. He does not enjoy school and finds himself daydreaming in class. He did not think he would get the EMA originally due to his poor attendance record. He does not understand the lump sum payment and is not sure which weeks he got money for as tends to skip classes. When he first applied for the EMA he was told that to get his money he would have to have better attendance and try harder in class. So some days he would come in to school and other days he couldn't be bothered. He has had further meetings with the EMA coordinator and was told his EMA would be withdrawn if his attendance did not improve. When he was informed that payments were going to stop, his parents appealed the decision and he continues to receive the EMA when he attends school. Now that he gets the weekly allowance his attendance has improved as he monitors it himself and he can see the money going into his account every two weeks. This has really made a difference. He still skips classes but he used to miss a lot more and this would have continued if it was not for the EMA. 'If I wasn't getting the EMA I would still be at school right now, but I wouldn't be attending as many classes'

3.48 The EMA meant that, for the majority of recipients, they did not need to earn money by having a part time job " If I didn't have the EMA, I'd try harder to get a part time job". So if the EMA acts as a disincentive to engage in part time work, according to the study ²³ that looked at part time working and young people, some EMA recipients might be missing out on a valuable experience. Some young people who receive the EMA do however work part time (29%) because they felt their EMA needed to be supplemented with additional income.

3.49 Analysis of the quantitative proforma responses showed that the influence of the payments differed amongst the recipients who had part time work and those that did not. Those that are working part time (38%) are less likely to agree that working towards the bonus encouraged them to work harder for their qualifications compared to those not working (67%). It also identified that male respondents are more likely to believe that the bonus encouraged them to attend school/college more regularly, (84%) compared to females (62%).

3.50 Table A6 in Appendix 2 summarises how EMA respondents utilised their EMA. Most spent their money on going out/leisure (58%) or clothes (54%) or saved it (53%). The EMA is sometimes used for study related purchases and one recipient highlighted that "some people do need it and their mum and dad say that that's there money for dinner, books and whatever they need". A minority of pupils (13%) contribute to household income.

EMA Experience - College Students

3.51 The EMA experience of this group of young people differed significantly to those within the school population.

3.52 The information received by the students at the beginning of their course provided sufficient details about the range of financial assistance available through the EMA, bursaries and travel grants. The application process was considered straightforward and, where robust systems existed for monitoring the conditions attached to payments, e.g. good communication between those recording attendances and informing bursary officers, students were generally happy about the EMA.

3.53 The EMA was widely recognised as having a positive effect on attendance and the funds generally " made life a lot easier" for these students. It was noticeable that the EMA was used on different items compared to school pupils. The allowance generally went towards college related purchases like travel to college and study aids as well as food and household items. Significantly, 42% of college students contributed to household income. It is not clear why there is such a difference between college students and school pupils, but it could be partly due to the different ethos at college where students are encouraged to work in a more independent fashion and, according to the students treated more like adults.

A male student studying a National Qualification and planning to go on to an apprenticeship currently receives £30 per week for his EMA. He thought that you may be able to receive more than £30 per week if you lived in a single parent household or lived with someone with disabilities and thinks that should be the case. He left school and went to college but found the transition difficult. He decided to stay on in education as him mum encouraged him 'to stay on and learn'. He works as well as receives the EMA and thinks the EMA should be more. He spends around £10 per day getting to college and on food. ' It would be OK if they gave you the EMA and reduced the prices in the café or gave you money for food or just give you £40 per week' He would not be at college if he was receiving £10 or £20 per week. He received more money through the EMA it might influence him to do more qualifications particularly if it was linked to the level of qualification. 'The amount of money should be linked to the level of qualification - so if you do an HNC or HND you got more money a week or a bigger bonus then that would be good. If you got £70 per week for an HNC then I would stay on, even if it was £50 per week I would still have a part time job but would stay on'

3.54 The college student in the above example states that students should get more money for doing an HNC or HND. However students do have access to Higher Education financial support of approximately £80 per week but, despite the funding advice session he received at college, the student was not clear about other funding routes.

3.55 There was a much smaller number of college students involved in the qualitative interviews (25), partly due to a smaller sample but also because a third of college students did not turn up for their interviews. This could be because they were asked to participate in the consultations during their free time or because these were individuals at risk of becoming NEET who were regular non-attenders at college.

3.56 When these students were asked about what they thought they would have done had they not received the EMA, the majority believed that they would have stayed on at school or found a full time job. As was the common difficulty throughout the study, those at risk of becoming NEET were not really captured in the college interviews.

Summary of Key Points

• EMA awareness and understanding was poor amongst S3/S4 pupils taking part in this research. Where pupils were aware, this was normally as a result of being involved in the research or knowing friends of family members in receipt of the EMA. The lack of awareness was mainly due to the research taking place prior to the promotion of the EMA in the summer term but this meant that the financial assistance available for pursuing school of college education was not a factor when considering post-16 options. The young people interviewed showed interest in the EMA, and whilst they thought £30 a week was not a significant amount, for those who did not have clear plans, a financial incentive like the EMA was considered an influential factor.
• The majority of S3/S4 pupils could not be considered 'at risk' of becoming NEET, according to the quantitative proformas, most of the S3/S4 pupils planned to go to university, college or some form of training post-16 and their plans to achieve these goals rested on educational attainment and access to future courses.
• The 16+ pupils recalled assemblies and guidance sessions as the main forms of EMA promotion. In some areas where promotional DVDs were used to market the EMA on plasma screens the activity was memorable. There was no stigma attached to receiving the EMA. The majority of pupils were unaware that the EMA was available at college, possibly because in some establishments, staying on at school is heavily promoted over college education and therefore the EMA element is also overlooked. If the EMA was a factor in decision making for any student, the absence of information relating to its availability at college could restrict the learning route to the school venue. The key decision-making influences included parents, career or HE aspirations and gaining better qualifications.
• The 16+ pupils who were non- EMA recipients had a general awareness of the allowance and felt strongly that it should be made available to all young people in post-compulsory education
• The majority of EMA recipients were studying Highers and had planned to stay on at school, regardless of the EMA. In general their experience of the EMA process was positive. Most recognised that the EMA would not have influenced their decision making. The payments gave them greater financial independence, less need to work part time and provided more time to study. It did mean that the majority did not experience the positive benefits of part time work. The payments were predominantly spent on personal items and activities.
• There were mixed views about the effect of the EMA. Some pupils felt that the weekly allowance helped them to attend more regularly and increased their punctuality - particularly when payments had been stopped. Likewise, some felt that the working towards the bonus motivated them to study harder and attend more regularly. According to the qualitative and quantitative responses of young people in this sample, the EMA did not encourage them to stay on.
• College students tended to place greater importance on the EMA on the choices they had made, with a third stating that other EET routes would have been identified in the absence of the EMA. These students also used the EMA to meet study and travel costs or contribute to general household income and expenditure, there is no clear explanation as to why this might be the case, possibly due to a more independent outlook and expectation placed on them by the college

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