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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Preamble

This evaluation of the Scottish Executive's national community warden programme was undertaken over a 30 month period by GEN Consulting. The evaluation draws upon a variety of sources of evidence, including case studies, analysis of crime and antisocial behaviour statistics and survey work in order to meet the objectives of the original brief.

This evidence was often incomplete, and at times contradictory. However, the various pieces of evidence complemented one another so that it was generally possible to verify findings from other sources.

The conclusion reached is that there is evidence, from a number of sources, that the community wardens are having a positive impact upon the quality of life in their patrol areas. This comes about as they have helped to reduce both the levels and perceptions of some crimes and antisocial behaviours. This is not a pattern that is consistent across all schemes and all types of antisocial behaviour. However, the conclusion has been reached by drawing upon a variety of complementary and reinforcing sources of evidence, which tend to point in similar directions.

Given this there is evidence that the wardens in Scotland are meeting the objectives set for them by the Scottish Executive and are improving living conditions within the areas they patrol.

Introduction

1. Community wardens were introduced across the United Kingdom progressively from the late 1990s. Their role was to act as a deterrent to antisocial behaviour and provide reassurance to those whose lives were affected by crime, fear of crime and antisocial behaviour. Whilst the majority of wardens do not have enforcement powers, they liaise closely with the police and local councils, acting as the "eyes and ears" of these agencies. It was hoped that their presence would provide reassurance to communities. Residents would then have greater confidence that action would be taken and would be more willing to report incidents to the enforcement agencies.

2. In Scotland a number of local authorities (such as Edinburgh and Renfrewshire) had seen the potential for wardens to improve the quality of life in disadvantaged areas and had set up schemes using such funding sources as the Better Neighbourhood Services Fund.

3. However, in March 2003 the Scottish Executive announced that, as part of the Building Strong, Safe, Attractive Communities ( BSSAC) initiative, £20 million was to be made available to fund community warden schemes in all 32 Scottish local authorities. The amount of funding was based on such factors as population and deprivation levels and ranged from £80,000 a year in the smaller rural and islands authorities to £1 million for Glasgow. Guidance on funding submissions, and a timetable, was issued by the Executive and in February 2004 the Minister for Communities formally announced the initial financial allocations for 2004/05 and 2005/06.

The Evaluation

4. In mid-2004 GEN Consulting was commissioned by the Executive to undertake an evaluation of the implementation and impact of the warden schemes across Scotland. The evaluation had 4 main objectives:-

• The identification of innovation and good practice;
• To support the analysis of monitoring information that was to be collected at 6, 12 and 24 monthly intervals using a standard template;
• To examine and explain the processes underpinning the schemes' development and implementation; and
• Providing an overall assessment of the warden schemes, including making recommendations to improve future impact and effectiveness.

5. The methodology used a number of mutually reinforcing approaches, including:-

• Analysis of the monitoring templates;
• A survey of scheme managers targeted at all 32 schemes, undertaken on 3 occasions using email;
• An analysis of wardens' activities largely based on the details provided in the 24 month reports; and
• Selection and analysis of the schemes' development in 9 case study areas. The case studies were selected so that they covered the diversity of warden schemes across Scotland. They were in: Aberdeen, Dumfries and Galloway (North West Dumfries), Dundee, East Renfrewshire, Edinburgh, Inverclyde, Orkney, Perth and Kinross and South Lanarkshire.

6. The case study analysis involved the following approaches:-

• A base and endline survey of residents' attitudes towards, and perceptions of, crime and antisocial behaviour. In addition to the case study areas the surveys were also carried out in 2 control areas, selected as they were similar in socio-economic terms to the case studies but were not subject to wardens (or other) types of antisocial behaviour interventions. The 2 controls were in Edinburgh and Perth and Kinross;
• A postal survey of wardens to gather information on their characteristics, views on their relationships with other agencies and perceptions of impact;
• Focus groups with young and older people resident in the areas;
• Regular visits and consultations with the scheme manager, wardens, police and fire and rescue services, council departments, elected members and community representatives in each of the case study areas;
• Analysis of written information produced by each scheme, covering such things as marketing material and protocols with the police, fire and rescue services and council departments; and
• Analysis of statistical data on reported crimes and incidents of antisocial behaviour.

The Warden Schemes - An Overview

7. The guidance provided by the Executive was that schemes could be of 2 broad types: crime prevention and/or environmental. Analysis of the original funding submissions found that 7 had crime prevention objectives, 3 environmental and the remaining 22 had both crime prevention and environmental objectives.

8. Given this, it is perhaps not surprising that the main aims identified in the submissions were to reduce the fear of crime, improve environmental quality, reduce antisocial behaviour and reduce levels of crime.

9. Analysis of the case study schemes found that some had evolved. Regardless of the original intentions, tackling antisocial behaviour was generally now the main aim. This evolution reflected a variety of inter-connected factors such as the nature of the areas the schemes operated in, management and community expectations.

10. The case study schemes varied in terms of the numbers of wardens employed. Orkney was the smallest with a full complement of 4 wardens. At the other extreme South Lanarkshire Council, whose scheme covers the whole of the local authority (although there is a focus upon the most deprived areas), employed 44, albeit that half of these are funded by the local authority through its Housing Revenue Account.

11. The sizes of the areas patrolled by the wardens in the case study schemes varied from around 10,000 (Perth and Kinross) to 306,000 in South Lanarkshire. The wardens to resident ratio varied from 1:1,000 (Dundee) to 1:7,000 (South Lanarkshire).

The Wardens

12. Analysis of the wardens' job descriptions found that interpersonal skills predominated. Thus such things a having good communications skills, being motivated and able to motivate others and being able to work with the public and partner agencies were most often mentioned. Beyond having a current driving licence, technical skills were rarely mentioned.

13. The survey of wardens in the case study areas found that they were predominantly male, white and over 30, with 35% being aged between 41 and 50. This is also the picture that emerged from the analysis of the monitoring templates.

14. The majority of those surveyed had been employed before starting work as a warden. However, 18% had been out of work. Fourteen per cent had been recruited through New Deal or a similar work placement scheme. Over half of these were in Edinburgh, reflecting the difficulties experience by this scheme in recruiting wardens because of the buoyant local labour market.

15. When asked about their employment aspirations, 58% of survey respondents felt that their future was with the warden service, either in their current post or in a promoted one. Of the 42% who saw their future elsewhere, most wanted to work in another council department. Ten per cent wanted to join the police or the fire and rescue service. This group tended to be younger, 90% being under 30.

The Wardens' Role

16. The activities that the wardens were involved in were analysed, drawing on a number of data sources. What became clear was that the wardens undertook a variety of roles that varied according to the characteristics and pressures in particular areas.

17. Despite this variation, all schemes seemed to have a number of common elements, although the priority given to them varied according to local characteristics. The elements were:-

• Community liaison, which was central to all schemes and involved being visible, listening to concerns and taking appropriate action;
• Security and safety, covering such things as attending, investigating and reporting incidents of antisocial behaviour and providing support and reassurance to the more vulnerable members of the community; and
• Dealing with environmental issues such as litter, graffiti, fly tipping and abandoned vehicles.

18. Underpinning much of the analysis of activities was the idea of the wardens as the "eyes and ears" of the community: identifying community concerns and then either dealing with these or liaising with the appropriate agencies, be these the police fire and rescue or local authority departments.

19. Most schemes also undertook similar types of activities. These included:-

• Supporting vulnerable adults such as the victims of crime;
• Patrolling schools during school holidays to deter vandals;
• Visiting "pattern fire" spots to deter fire raisers; and
• Organising diversionary activities for young people such as football competitions.

20. However, comparison of wardens' perceptions of what they do and what the analysis of their logs shows them doing, identified differences. The main one was the perception of the importance of youth disorder, which the analysis of activities showed to account for a relatively small number of incidents. These differences may reflect the fact that the analysis of logs is based on the numbers of incidents, rather than their duration or intensity. It may be that youth disorder accounts for a small number of incidents which have a considerable impact upon those involved.

Management and Partnership Working

21. Of the schemes all but 3 (Aberdeen City, Aberdeenshire and Moray) were managed by the relevant local authority. The other 3 were managed by Grampian Police.

22. With the exception of Aberdeen City, the case study schemes were managed by the local authorities. Generally the schemes were part of wider antisocial behaviour initiatives which enabled a more holistic and co-ordinated approach to be taken.

23. Within Aberdeen there were different views on how the police's management of the scheme had worked. Local authority interviewees were generally happy, feeling that the arrangement was working well. The police, however, felt that there was a lack of focus and clarity to the wardens' role. For example, were they to support the police, improve the environment or work with the community? Some wardens felt that their management by the police alienated them from the council and led to their being less effectively used by other partners.

24. Relationships and working arrangements with local authority departments had taken time to develop. Initially there was concern that the wardens' activities would result in an increase in work loads, as indeed happened in a number of case study areas with additional demands, for example, to respond to incidents of vandalism. There were also problems in some areas, initially, as to who was responsible for dealing with some problems, especially environmental ones. Generally these have now been resolved.

25. Responses had been an issue in some areas, with wardens reporting incidents to the relevant council department only for either nothing to happen or for the response to be very slow. One reaction to this was the development of Service Level Agreements that placed the warden-departmental relationship on a formal footing. These detailed such things as the service that would be provided and response times. A number of authorities were considering using these and one already had such an agreement.

26. However, over time both the wardens and the scheme managers felt that relationships with council departments had improved. This reflected such factors as departments becoming aware of what the wardens could (and could not) do, improved co-operation and the development of personal relationships at an operational level.

27. Relationships with the police tended to be structured around formal protocols, which the analysis of the 24 month templates found to be in place for 22 of the 32 schemes, whilst a further 6 were pending. The protocols generally covered intelligence sharing (for example the police having access to the wardens' logs) and the co-ordination of activities (as when the police will ask the wardens to focus their patrols on particular "hotspots").

28. The protocols were seen as being useful in helping to clarify roles and responsibilities and providing a forum where information could be shared and resources better targeted.

29. The formal protocols were often underpinned by operational structures and processes that had developed over time to make joint working more effective. The development of informal contacts between the wardens and the police on the ground was also important in delivering a more effective service.

30. The wardens' views on relationships with the police were less positive than their views on relationships with local authority departments, with a fifth of respondents feeling that their relationship with the police was "Poor" or "Very Poor". However, a majority felt that relationships had improved over time. The case study work reflected these findings. There were initially difficulties with joint working, in part as there was misunderstanding as to the wardens' role. However, these difficulties lessened once the wardens began to demonstrate the ways that they could complement the activities of the police.

31. The main benefit of the wardens, as perceived by the police in the case study areas, was their value in gathering intelligence. The role of the wardens as "professional witnesses" was also identified, with the wardens being able to monitor situations before the police arrived and take notes that could then be passed on and used as evidence in court. The initial opposition that existed in some areas from the police has generally been overcome. However, the case study work identified areas where improvements still needed to be made, especially in intelligence sharing.

32. The relationships with the fire and rescue service were generally seen as being more straightforward than those with the police. For the most part they were not subject to formal protocols. Generally these had only been drawn up for those areas where fire raising was a major problem.

33. In a number of areas there were examples of close working relationships between the wardens and the fire and rescue service. However, in most areas the majority of contact was at management level. It was felt that this would improve when there was greater participation in joint operational initiatives.

34. Relationships with local elected members had not always been good at the start. In some of the case study areas the view had been that the resources would have been better spent on additional policing. However, any such opposition now seems to have been overcome. If there are now demands these are for more wardens.

Community Engagement

35. The Executive's intention was that engagement with the community was to be formalised through the drawing up of neighbourhood compacts. These were agreements that were to set out the services that the police and local authority were to provide to tackle antisocial behaviour and the reciprocal standards of behaviour expected from residents.

36. Analysis of the 24 month reports found that 32% of schemes had compacts in place. This was a slight increase from the 29% reported when the 12 month templates were analysed. The other schemes claimed to have other structures in place that meant there was no need for a compact (35%), to be working on their development (30%) or, in one instance, to have no plans to develop one.

37. Given this mixed progress, the value of compacts can be questioned. Whilst the process had been of some use, in making contact with the community and in developing credibility, most scheme managers consulted felt that the resultant documents were of limited value.

38. One reason for this view may be that there are now a large number of other plans and strategies, all of which feature community consultation. Many of these are more all-embracing than the neighbourhood compacts were intended to be. As such it may be that they have been overtaken by events.

39. At a more informal level, community relationships were generally felt, by managers, to be good. This reflects the variety of ways that the schemes had developed to engage with residents. Underpinning these was high visibility and prompt response times to incidents. Flexibility was also valued by community representatives, in that the wardens were willing to respond to incidents as, and when, they arose.

40. Despite these generally positive views, the scheme managers recognised that continuing efforts needed to be made, both to persuade older people to make use of the warden service and to engage in a positive way with young people. Young people were seen as the most difficult target group. Not only were they often perpetrators of antisocial behaviour but they saw the introduction of the wardens as being a deliberate attempt to control their behaviour.

Monitoring

41. The Guidance required each of the schemes to select at least 4 monitoring indicators against which progress was to be assessed. These were to be drawn from 2 groups: statistical (covering such things as the impact on reported crimes); and survey based. Schemes were, however, at liberty to select as many indicators as they wanted. Once the indicators had been selected progress on attaining them was to be reported to the Executive at 6, 12 and 24 month intervals, using a standardised monitoring template. Had this been done then assessing impact would have been relatively easy. Unfortunately this proved not to be the case.

42. Very few schemes provided adequate data to enable self monitoring to be undertaken. The main issues were:-

• A lack of congruence between the indicators and the schemes' aims;
• A failure to set baselines for all indicators;
• A failure to set targets for all indicators; and
• A failure to provide full data sets for years 1 and 2 of operations in the 24 month templates.

43. A number of schemes were undertaking surveys of residents that were intended to look at impacts. Most of these had major methodological flaws making any results of dubious value.

44. The conclusions that GEN came to were that most schemes did not see monitoring and evaluation as being very important when set against the need to set up the schemes. This low priority was reinforced by the apparent reluctance of the Executive to take action when it became apparent early in the evaluation that monitoring systems were not being put in place.

Theories of Change

45. In order to develop some explanations for changes in levels of reported crime and antisocial behaviours that might be observed in the wardened areas, a number of theories were put forward. The main ones were:-

• The Rise and Fall (Confidence) theory when reported crime initially rises as confidence grows that action will be taken. After this initial rise there is a fall as the wardens' activities impact upon crime and antisocial behaviour levels;
• Rise Positive, when the increase reflects increased confidence that action will be taken rather than an increase in the "real" levels of crime. That there has been no fall as yet reflects the time needed by the wardens to effect change;
• No Impact when the severity of problems within an area is such that the wardens' interventions are unable to effect any change; and
• Positive Intervention when the wardens' activities result in crimes and offences falling soon after they become operational;

46. In an ideal world it should be possible to assess the validity of each of these theories against observed changes in the levels of reported crime and antisocial behaviour. Ascribing cause and effect, however, is complicated for a number of reasons:-

• The wardens are not operating in isolation. In most local authority areas there are other initiatives, some of which impact upon the wardened areas;
• Reported crimes represent around half of the "true" level of offences so that there is considerable scope for statistical changes without there being any change in the actual number of offences; and
• The introduction of the Scottish Crime Reporting Standard in 2005 (when there was no longer a need for corroboration for an incident to be reported as a crime) is felt to have resulted in the numbers of minor crimes increasing. This again makes attribution to specific policy interventions harder.

47. What therefore emerges is a picture of considerable complexity when trying to assess the impact that the wardens' interventions have upon crime and antisocial behaviour.

The Impacts of the Wardens on Crime in the Case Study Areas

48. Analysis of changes in the reported levels of crime and incidents of antisocial behaviour in the case study areas was complicated. Not only were the data often incomplete (especially a lack of comparators) but the pattern of change in individual scheme areas was often variable, with increases in some sub-areas being off-set by falls in others.

49. To try to analyse the changes attempts were made to explain the observed pattern of change over time in terms of the various impact theories. Of the 39 indicators ¹ that were analysed:-

• Definitive conclusions as to impact could not be reached for 23, mainly as there was no comparator data;
• The observed change for 9 was interpreted negatively in that there had been an increase in crime and antisocial behaviours at a faster rate than in the comparator areas;
• Changes in 6 indicators were interpreted in terms of the wardens having had a positive impact upon the indicator; and
• There was judged to have been no impact upon the final indicator.

50. Superficially this looks as if the wardens have had little impact. However, the analysis was very cautious, with a positive interpretation only being made when there was clear supporting statistical evidence.

51. The analysis was then extended by considering change for the individual case study areas alongside some of the evidence from the residents' survey. A more positive picture emerged:-

• For one scheme there was clear statistical evidence that the wardens had had a differential impact upon crime and antisocial behaviour levels;
• For 3 schemes, although there was a lack of comparators, the surveys showed that there had been positive changes in attitudes and perceptions of crime. This, when combined with the statistical changes, would seem to indicate that the wardens were having an impact;
• For a further 2 schemes there was statistical evidence that there had been a differential impact upon some of the selected indicators; and
• For 2 schemes there was no statistical evidence of impact.

52. Given that so much of the analysis of the indicators in the case study areas was thwarted by lack of data, the researchers extended their analysis to the non-case study schemes and focused on the 7 indicators that had been used to monitor progress by more than one scheme and for which more data were therefore available. Encouragingly, they found that there had been a decline in the incidence of all 7 indicators and that most of these were falling at a faster rate than in the wider area. Indeed some of the indicators (breach of the peace and wilful fire-raising) were moving in the opposite direction to the comparators, with the incidence of the antisocial behaviour decreasing as the same time as there had been an increase in the wider area. When the case study and non-case study scheme indicators were combined there was evidence of positive differential change in the wardened areas for 3 out of the 4 indicators examined. Aggregating the data, so that extremes are diluted, seems to make it possible to reach more positive conclusions. Further analysis examined those indicators that had been selected by more than one case study or non-case study scheme. There were 4 such indicators.

53. Although the evidence is complicated, and is not always straightforward to interpret, the conclusion is that there is evidence, from a number of complementary sources (anecdotal, statistical and survey) that the wardens are having a positive impact upon levels and perceptions of some crimes and antisocial behaviour offences within their target areas. It needs to be stressed that this interpretation does not apply to all areas and all types of offences. This does not, however, mean that the wardens in these areas have been ineffective. It needs to be remembered that they have been operating for a relatively short time and that the introduction of other antisocial behaviour initiatives means that relating cause and effect in a simple way is rarely possible.

The Impacts upon Residents' Perceptions

54. Perceptions of the likelihood of being a victim of crime, or of the levels of crime, may not always be directly related to the reality. To look at changes over time, base and endline surveys were undertaken in the case study areas and the 2 comparators.

55. As with the crime statistics, interpretation of changes was not always straightforward. When the case study areas were considered in isolation the quality of life (as measured by such things as ratings of the neighbourhood as a place to live, fear of crime and perceptions of the incidences of a range of antisocial behaviours) had improved. A minority of those surveyed attributed some of these changes to the interventions of the wardens.

56. A less positive picture emerged when case study change was compared to changes in the 2 control areas. However, population movements in the Edinburgh control area, as a result of housing demolition, mean that use of the controls to isolate the differential impact of the wardens was problematic.

57. An alternative approach was to compare changes in perceptions of incidents of antisocial behaviours in the case study areas with changes in the wider area of which they were a part. This showed that almost half of the indicators across the 9 areas had improved at a faster rate than in the comparators. When perceptions of safety (walking or being in the house alone after dark) were considered an even more positive picture of comparative improvements was seen.

58. Overall there seemed to be evidence that the wardens were having a positive impact on perceptions of incidents of crime and antisocial behaviours and on feelings of personal safety. This is supported by the fact that, of those residents in the wardened areas who indicated that at least one form of antisocial behaviour had become less common, 44% attributed this (at least in part) to the wardens.

Other Views on Impact

59. The wardens and scheme managers felt that the schemes were having an impact upon crime and antisocial behaviour. They also believed that residents were now more willing to report antisocial behaviour now that they knew there was a dedicated service to deal with these.

60. The wardens and managers have vested interests in making these claims. However, there was also evidence from the focus groups and community consultations that the wider community was generally positive about the wardens and their impacts.

61. Generally the wardens were more highly valued by older age groups in the community with whom good relationships had been established. The relationship with younger people tended to be more difficult. However, there were examples where wardens had been successful in developing good relationships with school age children. This might have the potential to result in longer term behaviour modification so that there is a permanent change in attitudes. However, if these long term impacts are to come about then it seems important that wardens do not behave in an authoritarian way and are consistent in their approach, especially when dealing with school age children. If this is not done then the danger is that they become alienated and antisocial behaviour increases.

62. When the individual case study areas were considered separately, there were differences in perceptions of impact. Generally the more severe the environmental and antisocial behaviour problems then the less impact the wardens were felt to have.

63. The views of the partner agencies were generally positive. It was felt that the wardens had impacted on low level crime and antisocial behaviours, although there was also evidence that, by passing on intelligence, there had also been an impact on higher level crimes such as drug dealing. The wardens were also felt to have had an impact upon environmental problems by improving the quality of neighbourhoods, both by direct action and through their liaison with other agencies.

64. Whilst the partners felt that it was inevitable that there had been a degree of displacement of antisocial behaviour, this was felt to be hard to prove. It was also felt that displacement had historically taken place, for example when the police targeted an area or particular types of behaviour.

65. Overall, the general view to emerge from the wardens, scheme managers, other partners such as the police and the wider community was that the wardens were having a positive impact. This had a variety of dimensions: reductions in crime and antisocial behaviour; improvements in residents' perceptions; and changes to the working practices of partners.

Emerging Issues

66. Managers and the wardens identified a number of issues related to the development of the schemes to date. Most of these seemed to be relatively minor. Those that merit further attention were:-

• Staff retention that had been a particular problem in some areas, especially those where the labour market was buoyant. There seemed to be some evidence that good staff management practices could improve retention rates;
• Currently most wardens in Scotland do not have enforcement powers, although some were able to give out fixed penalty notices for such things as littering and dog fouling. Views on this were mixed. Some felt that giving the wardens enforcement powers would impact upon their relationships with the communities in which they were based and result in their being closely identified with the police and/or regarded as 'policing on the cheap'. There was also a view among some wardens (especially those in areas with highest levels of antisocial behaviour) that their impact on the behaviour of young people had declined as young people realised that they (the wardens) had little or no powers. (This said, most of the wardens who responded to the question about change in their impact believed that it had either increased (44%) or stayed the same (17%)). The overall view was that any move towards granting wardens powers generally needed to be carefully considered; and
• There was general concern as to what would happen once funding from the Executive came to an end in 2008. Although some schemes already receive part of their funding from their parent authority they were exceptional. Most had no future funding plans in place. There was therefore a general wish to see the Executive clarify its future funding plans for the warden schemes.

Conclusions

67. In recognition of the difficulties encountered in this, and similar evaluations, of assessing impact, use was made of 3 key complementary data sources:-

• Surveys of residents' perceptions;
• A large amount of qualitative data collected through the case study visits; and
• Analysis of official statistics on crime and antisocial behaviours.

68. Trying to paint a consistent and coherent picture of impact was difficult, giving data inadequacies and a lack of a consistent pattern of change both within and across areas. However, despite these challenges, our conclusion was that there was evidence from a number of sources that the wardens were having a positive impact on the quality of life in their target areas. This comes about through reductions in crime and antisocial behaviour and changes in residents' perceptions of the incidences of crime and antisocial behaviour and of personal safety. This is not a pattern that is consistent across all areas or all types of crimes and antisocial behaviours. Yet overall there is sufficient evidence to justify such a positive conclusion.

Economic Impact of Community Wardens

69. An economic evaluation of the community wardens schemes was being undertaken separately as part of the Scottish Executive commissioned Evaluation of Antisocial Behaviour Strategies at Neighbourhood Level. The evaluation was undertaken in 4 case study areas (Edinburgh; Fife; North Lanarkshire; and Scottish Borders) and adopts a cost consequences approach. Although the results of this work have not yet been published, in the first draft of her analysis the economist concludes that, given the relatively modest costs associated with the warden schemes and the high costs associated with many of the criminal and antisocial incidents that they are likely to have prevented (plus the less tangible benefits to quality of life), they represent good value for money. The full analysis is due to be published in the Evaluation of Antisocial Behaviour Strategies at Neighbourhood Level in summer 2007.

Recommendations

70. The main Recommendations coming from the analysis were that:-

• If the Executive was to continue funding for the warden schemes then the future allocation of funds should be more closely linked to the severity of crime and antisocial behaviour;
• Future funding should be conditional on the submission of complete monitoring and evaluation data;
• Allied to this, the Executive should give advice on the selecting of appropriate (and meaningful) baselines, targets and comparators;
• Staff training needs to be based on a training needs assessment and should cover health and safety issues as well as interpersonal skills; and
• For national schemes, the Executive should consider providing guidance on such things as pay scales, shift working and duties for which there has been a demand from the schemes' managers.

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