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Chapter 4: The Nature of the Markets
Introduction
This section focuses on the nature, extent and culture of the buying and selling of heroin and associated drugs in the three study areas.
The information presented here was drawn largely from either current or former users of heroin, with some having the additional experience of being dealers.
Our focus within this section is to provide a level of detail not only of market nature, but of the activities and characteristics of individuals concerned with the buying and selling of heroin. By focusing on the use and supply of heroin, a picture can be drawn that demonstrates the resulting level of, and type of drug-related harm, and how different forms of intervention may combine to reduce this.
Drug markets in the areas: price and availability
Price
In each of the three areas the price of heroin, in terms of the standard unit - a ' bag' - appeared to have remained stable for a considerable period of time. The price was also found to be remarkably consistent within each area. For buyers and sellers a bag, was of a standard, set price. It had not been subject to any increases, either due to enforcement initiatives, or other reasons.
The price of a bag, though, did vary between areas, with users in Fishton reporting that they pay £20 for a bag compared to £10 in Tannochbrae and Hailton. For users in Fishton to pay double to gain a source in the market is an interesting finding in terms of related harm.
In Fishton both users and a small number of informed community respondents felt that the high price of heroin could be related to the fishing industry and subsequently to the relative affluence of young, male fishermen. Both sources reported the area to have been actively and successfully 'targeted' by heroin sellers looking to make money.
The price differences between the three areas are complicated by the reported existence of differing available 'deals'. A couple of users in Fishton, for example, did report that 'half-bags' were available for £10 from a small number of sellers. A small number of users in Hailton conversely spoke of the possibility of obtaining £20 bags.
Based on the limited number of respondents who spoke of differing deals, their availability is questionable. It is clear that there are price differences between the areas, and that within areas there is a consistency and stability of the price of heroin at the lowest level. For users this was not a determining factor in their actions. The majority of users in each area reported that it was the perceived variations in the quality of heroin being sold by sellers, and the general belief in each area that there has been a downward trend in purity, that was the major determinant in their purchasing and using behaviour.
Availability
In each of the three areas heroin was seen as easily available. Users were asked how easy it was for them to obtain a supply of the drug, and where in each area they would go to purchase it.
In Tannochbrae and Fishton, defined areas could be identified where heroin is available, albeit for differing reasons. Over three-quarters of users and dealers interviewed in Tannochbrae resided in area 'L', with the suggestion that this is where the market is focussed. Respondents reported both the easy availability and accessibility (in terms of distance travelled) of the drug. For example:
"I do not have nay problems in getting heroin. In (Area) L it is easy; never had to travel further".
(Male, User)
Other areas in Tannochbrae were cited where heroin could be obtained, but area L was seen as having a good reputation both for ease of availability and the quality of heroin, with users possibly travelling to L to 'score'. For two individuals the availability in the area was due to its 'roughness'.
"L is quite rough - maybe one of the roughest bits in Tannochbrae; most of the people there take drugs and it has the most dealers".
(Female, User)
In Fishton, by contrast, an area known as 'The Bronx' (covering a number of streets) was viewed historically as the place where heroin was initially sold. Unlike Tannochbrae, the majority of interviewees (buyers and sellers) did not reside there. Over three-quarters of those interviewed gave the area a particular reputation. Heroin availability was not seen as confined to this area, but to have spread from this point with time across Fishton. For one user 'The Bronx' is simply the hub of activity. This view was reinforced both by fellow users, and also local police and community residents. The area was known by all to be one where dealing takes place.
"You speak to the folk that live near (X) Road and (Y) Road, they'll tell you that they just hate living there, because they know what's going on and you know, they don't think there's anything they can do".
(Police Custody Sergeant)
For this respondent heroin market activity was clearer in this area than any other.
"…there's a lot by the public phone box in (X) Road, probably the busiest phone box in Scotland that phone box - they phone from there and the dealer comes to them or they phone from there and go over to the dealer".
In Hailton, unlike Tannochbrae and Fishton, respondents did not give any specific sub-areas/road names where heroin is most available. But users and dealers did speak of the general ease of obtaining heroin. All respondents felt that they would not have to travel far within Hailton to 'score'. For one respondent, speaking as an ex-heroin seller in the city centre, Hailton was seen as a good area to 'score', due to the quality of the heroin. This view was shared by roughly a quarter of all users but not by professionals. Two professional respondents felt that the market in Hailton would only come onto the 'scene' when there is either poor heroin quality, or limited availability in the city centre.
In contrast to the other two areas, users and dealers In Hailton were less likely to have actually resided there for more than a short period of time.
Market separation
Predominantly focussing upon the buying and selling of heroin, we found it occurred separately from markets for other illicit drugs. The majority of buyers and sellers (over three-quarters in each area) suggested that individuals who deal heroin supply only that, and in some limited instances crack-cocaine and/or Diazepam.
The majority of buyers and sellers did not see heroin use to be initiated by 'poly-dealers' selling numerous illicit drugs. Although a minority of respondents in Tannochbrae, reported that heroin sellers have had a direct influence on an individual starting to use heroin. For the majority in Tannochbrae, however, the influence of friends or deemed associates was more important than any pressure from a seller. Sellers were not seen by most respondents as playing an active role in an individual's decision to initiate heroin use.
"Dealers don't have a big influence because different dealers sell different drugs".
(Female, User)
"Dealers don't influence users' choice of drugs because you don't even get a conversation with them, it's just like - "what do you want and see you later".
(Male, User)
Respondents in Fishton, as in Tannochbrae, focussed upon the role of friends and known individuals when talking about the influences on their heroin use. Only two respondents reported that a seller who could not supply heroin would pass on the contact details of someone who could. However, the comparatively close-knit nature of the community in Fishton may lead to an individual being able to obtain the drug through knowing a friend of a seller, or indeed having a friend who is a heroin dealer. In this regard, therefore, the relationship between a buyer and seller is likely to predate the onset of heroin use, and not solely concern drug use.
In contrast to Tannochbrae and Fishton, it was difficult in Hailton to produce any clear picture about market separation. One male user suggested the existence of a 'coffee shop' - a residential property - where 15 dealers are based who sell all the different drugs from cannabis to heroin. But we found in the main that respondents spoke about obtaining heroin and how dealers operated, rather than what individuals who sell heroin may also sell. Only in three cases were there clear views that those selling heroin would also sell other drugs. One respondent reported personal experience of buying Diazepam or Temazepam, whilst all three informants suggested the availability of crack-cocaine.
Market nature
The majority of heroin users in each area saw 'scoring' as a closed act. They were known to certain sellers and so could arrange a 'deal'.
In Hailton, in particular the overwhelming majority of buyers and sellers spoke of the 'defensive' nature of the heroin market. The need to have an introduction to a seller through a known individual, and for this to be verified was repeatedly stressed. This process was said to ease with time, based on the development of trust between the parties. However, this view was not shared by all heroin users - one reported that she did not need to know anyone to gain access to sellers.
In each area we questioned whether an individual unknown to any seller could obtain heroin. Heroin users when initially asked about the nature of the market drew primarily on their own personal experiences. But when questioned further they gave views on what they believed to be true.
In all areas, respondents stressed the importance of 'unknown' individuals 'looking the part' if they were to be able to successfully score heroin. In each area the majority of users spoke of the need to look 'genuine', like an 'addict'. This, in some (but not all) cases would result in a supply of heroin being obtained, even if they were not known to the seller in question.
Amongst users and dealers in Tannochbrae and Hailton 'looking the part' was, in relative terms, more important than the level of trust associated with being known. Around half the respondents in these areas felt that unknown individuals may be vetted 'on the spot' in terms of whether they look like an 'addict'. In Hailton two users commented on the trust that sellers may place in this practice in order to acquire money. This was linked to sellers also being buyers, and within our distinction: 'user/dealers'. Desperation and the need for money may simply override the importance of vetting practices.
We found Fishton to be different from the other two areas, in that there was a level of unanimity that dealers would not generally sell to someone they did not know. However, this may be due as much to the unified nature of the community, with many users known to their dealers through having grown-up and gone to school with them, well before their drug use started.
"They wouldn't sell to a total stranger".
(Male, User)
"I believe they sell to people they know and those they know of".
(Male, User)
"Dealers only sell to people they know".
(Female, User)
Geography of place
From the heroin buyers and sellers interviewed the markets in each area appeared to be predominantly closed in nature. This may appear to be questionable as vetting by a heroin seller may be at the point-of-sale for unknown individuals. This would mean relatively low barriers to entry, and a possible more open style of delivery.
In each area heroin deals were said to occur from residential properties, with buyers having the mobile phone number of the seller in question, to pre-arrange their visit. In this regard market nature could be judged to be closed. In Fishton and Tannochbrae, however, some respondents reported that a known individual could turn-up unannounced at a seller's home. Over half of those interviewed believed this to be possible, and whilst this practice was not looked upon favourably by sellers, heroin would still be sold.
In contrast to the consensus of opinion amongst buyers and sellers in each area, professional respondents offered differing opinions. In Hailton, for example, a minority of police respondents felt that selling does not occur from people's houses. They told us that some sellers were afraid of too many people coming to their door, afraid of information getting back to the police, and that selling has consequently moved onto the street.
"…but most of it is done by phone, by mobile phone…There's very little buying and selling from houses now down here".
One officer explained that:
"…it's easier to get away with it if you're out in the street with a small (amount) rather than keeping a large amount in your house, where if your house is raided, then you'll not only be charged with possession, but you'll be charged with intent to supply".
(Divisional Housing Initiative Police Officer)
A similar view existed amongst police respondents in Tannochbrae. The predominant view was that the vast majority of market activity is residential dealing, but two police respondents reported that town-centre dealers worried about neighbours and police noticing the number of people visiting their houses may take action to divert attention:
"So, for example, if somebody lives in the town centre and they don't want police coming to their house, or they want to take attention from the house, they'll deal in the town centre, mill about quite happily, they're not going to stick out, they're just like anybody else in the street".
(Detective Constable, Drugs Squad)
Sellers may be wary about dealing from a residential property due to drawing unwanted police attention. It may also mean that they are concerned about undercover police if vetting of unknown individuals is undertaken at the point of delivery. In Fishton, as for Hailton and Tannochbrae, a small number of police respondents spoke of the incidence of deals being arranged and then subsequently being undertaken in public places. The use of mobile phones may be instrumental in this, and would allow closed-natured deals to theoretically occur anywhere.
Market supply
As the study focussed upon the buying and selling of heroin within the neighbourhoods of three case-study areas the initial focus was less on how it arrives to be sold there. However, it was found that many of the respondents saw the two processes as interlinked. To fully understand local distribution it became clear that we had to ask how heroin arrives in the neighbourhoods.
Supply to the markets
For heroin buyers and sellers in Tannochbrae and Fishton the availability of heroin locally was seen to be a result of the activities of individuals acting as part of a supply chain. Just over three-quarters of respondents in Tannochbrae and half those in Fishton spoke of a 'ladder' of supply that could be attributed to particular geographical places. For four respondents in Tannochbrae - two of whom were former user/dealers - a cascade of supply was seen to exist. For example:
"It's a chain, a ladder. Ten kilo men selling a kilo at a time to the one kilo men; the one kilo men they're cutting into ounces - might get someone taking one ounce, someone taking two ounces. Then your ounces people cut that into certain grams, half-grams, eights, who then pass onto people who sell £10 bags. I've never dealt with anyone dealing with ten kilos at a time, known them in jail but never dealt with them outside jail".
(Male, Ex-User/Dealer)
Despite receiving varying levels of information In each area, we found that the local markets are not merely part of a supply chain but that this is the predominant factor governing their organisation. The availability of heroin within each area is based on the 'wholesaling' activities of certain individuals.
Distribution within a market
For those who spoke about a 'ladder' of supply, this was a predominant factor governing their organisation. These individuals spoke of the hierarchy of distribution locally, and reports of 'Mr Bigs' controlling this. In many cases respondents felt they could not comment on sellers other than their individual supplier as they did not see the need to question this, as long as they were getting a steady supply of heroin.
Information about the distribution within the three neighbourhoods was gleaned from a minority of respondents within the research process. In Tannochbrae, in contrast to Fishton and Hailton, a larger number of respondents gave similar views. Five individuals spoke of a local hierarchy of supply, compared with two in Fishton and Hailton.
"Don't know how they work this out but used to go to [town] where it was £90 a gram, but the gram was bigger than the gram in Tannochbrae…In Tannochbrae it's ten tenner bags to the gram; some start cutting seven or eight bags to the gram to attract more custom, but average is 10 bags per gram. A lot of people buy an eighth of an ounce and cut it into thirty-five (tenner) bags".
(Male, Ex-User/Dealer)
Two broad stages of the distribution chain may be identified: the 'higher' end whereby an actual supply of heroin comes into the area and the 'lower' end that is concerned with the distribution of heroin within the area. This distinction, however, becomes complicated when we concern ourselves with the activities of individuals 'moving up' this chain to obtain a supply of heroin for their own use and for selling on.
'Moving up'
With the comparatively limited information that was received about local distribution, few had any significant knowledge on this. However, a number of users were interviewed in each area who were willing to source their heroin from a point higher-up the chain of supply, and from a location outside any of the three case-study areas.
By undertaking this practice, an individual with known contacts or information concerning the location of a market would travel out of their area to buy a given amount heroin more cheaply and/or obtain better quality than buying locally. For example in Tannochbrae:
"I brought it (heroin) back from A - a quarter ounce. It wasn't predominantly for my personal use; it was more to sell it on. I went out of town because it was cheaper - instead of paying £150 for an eighth of an ounce, I was going up and paying £95. I'll bring it back and it would be sold on".
(Male, Ex-User/Dealer)
The overwhelming majority of respondents in Tannochbrae and Fishton, but to a lesser extent in Hailton, considered the act of 'moving-up' to be primarily confined to those who could be considered as user/dealers. The actual location of these settlements and their relative size may have contributed to this. In Fishton, for example a number of buyers (less than a quarter) had experience of going to a nearby town and/or the local city to purchase heroin. The belief that they are paying too much for a bag of heroin, particularly with regard to its quality may have contributed to this. Even without direct experience, buyers had considered going to either the nearby town or the city.
The process of 'moving-up' is one that can be linked to the availability of heroin at the local level for both users and user/dealers. It is difficult to assess the frequency of such acts and how as a proportion this activity contributes to the maintenance and development of low-level markets. The displacement of local demand, amongst both user/dealers and users is important to consider, particularly as this does not appear to be the direct result of any enforcement-led activity. It reflects the concept of a supply chain amongst respondents and how users may look to start selling. In this regard it was interesting to find claims that each case-study area attracts heroin buyers and sellers from outlying, smaller settlements. The limited supply locally and the possibility of obtaining a better 'deal' were cited as possible reasons for this.
Heroin sellers
Defining a seller
In each area we found that the vast majority of individuals with experience of dealing heroin could be considered 'user/dealers', as the need to fund their heroin use was a predominant factor in their decision to deal. These individuals are those directly accountable for the availability of heroin at the low-level. We wanted therefore to research how individuals may become heroin dealers and subsequently how markets develop.
User/dealers
Through the course of interviewing users and user/dealers (both former and current) it became clear that the term 'user/dealer' is quite broad, due to the differing amounts individuals may sell, and their duration in this role. The use of heroin can certainly be seen as providing an individual with the personal contacts to start dealing at the low-level. It may also provide the incentive through the onset of problematic use where dealing at this level is considered an attractive option.
Recruitment into dealing in both Tannochbrae and Fishton appeared to be comparatively easy, with individuals (in the main) dealing on behalf of another seller in their locality. They would not 'move-up' the supply chain as discussed above, but theoretically add another stage to the supply chain in their locality. In Tannochbrae three former user/dealers spoke about this. For those with direct experience of this role, 'moving-up' was not considered.
"…The dealer I used to hang about with used to give me a bag. I'd be a paranoid wreck, and none of the Police really knew me, they do now 'cos I have been caught shop-lifting…so I'd just walk about the place and drop one off while I'd get one free. She'd give us two for selling fourteen…"
(Male, User)
"…people that use heroin have been offered to sell it, because when they sell it usually they get so many bags to sell. Every time you score you get six bags for yourself and also the money you're making when you're selling it - can make about £1,000 in two weeks excluding the heroin which you get for free".
(Female, User)
"I used to deal a bit. I was making my dealer three grand a week profit, and was taking about a gram a day and making about three-four hundred quid a week for myself as well, selling tenner bags in Tannochbrae".
(Male, User)
A similar situation was found in Fishton. Individuals appeared to be supplied by a local dealer, who may also have been a user. There was a stronger emphasis (than in Tannochbrae) placed on the notion that anybody could start dealing heroin; for example:
"Small time dealers up here…surprising some of the folk who are dealing…anyone can start dealing".
(Female, User)
The actual level of dealing could be considered to be variable but generally very small in nature. As reported by one respondent, some user/dealers do not want to be involved with the 'higher-end' of the supply chain, and thus would not travel outside of the area in order to obtain heroin. Her view was based on her personal experience of being 'ripped-off':
"Some small dealers have the contacts to obtain 'weights' but you need money and it is more to get caught with. You also need a reputation so that you don't get ripped off".
(Female, Ex-User/Dealer)
In contrast, one respondent (who had been subject to numerous assaults) in Tannochbrae felt confident in being able to 'rip-off' dealers in the area:
"Small time dealers, they use drugs themselves but think they're big time because they sell a couple of ounces. They are idiots; I've robbed half of them. I've been shot at, stabbed, you name it…"
(Male, User)
Moving up the supply chain for user/dealers in either of these two areas may not be an attractive option, considering the need to be able to buy a 'weight' to make the trip worthwhile, and the resulting capital required for this. Professional respondents told us that user/dealers in each area were not individuals who would stick to the practice of selling for a long period of time. Their pattern of selling was seen to be linked directly to their level of use, with individuals 'dipping in and out' of the activity as they try to reduce their use, and thus get their lives back together again. Selling was therefore seen as the result of problematic drug use, and the need to raise capital quickly.
As a money-making exercise to fund heroin use it was seen, particularly in Hailton, as a more attractive option when compared with shop-lifting or committing house burglaries. Amongst users, dealing could be seen as a more 'legitimate' way to fund a habit than to steal from neighbours. Neither users nor professionals interviewed in the course of this research were able to give clear opinions on the level of use, the capital required and the reasons for starting dealing.
Professional respondents in Hailton thought a user may start dealing as a direct commitment to their supplier, to distance the said person from the market and thus from the attention of the police. This initiation was felt to be possibly triggered by a high level of indebtedness and the need for the would-be dealer to fund their own use. This would render it an easy relationship for a user to begin, but possibly a difficult one to terminate.
Throughout the course of the research it was difficult to assess the actual relationship between a user/dealer and their supplier. In the main it appears that the supplier would be locally based, one of a small number undertaking this practice. Whether user/dealers were employees of theirs, in terms of giving them a share of the profits, or simply their 'runners' was difficult to assess. It is likely from respondents' views that both systems exist. Both professionals and users saw user/dealers as individuals who have to balance their own use with their dealing priorities if they are to remain dealing. The majority of respondents saw this as a fine line. A police respondent from Tannochbrae described how this could lead user/dealers into trouble:
"Your lower level dealers are dealing to feed their habit, the more drugs they've got, the more they take, the more money they've got, the more drugs they'll take and then they'll get so greedy, because if they're buying £100 worth of drugs, they would only need to really sell £80 worth to buy the next batch, so that's £20 they can use themselves. But then they'll start getting greedy and they'll start using more and more, and then they've not got enough money to buy".
(Police Constable - Drugs Squad)
With this in mind it is difficult to understand whether user/dealers are simply selling on someone else's behalf, and gaining rewards for this, or are buying locally, with their supplier possibly taking a cut of their profits.
Heroin quality
The quality of heroin within the bags being sold was reported by users and professionals alike to suffer if a user/dealer was not either selling sufficient to fund their own habit and/or if their personal use had escalated. Professional respondents in each area commented that if a user starts dealing then their use may increase, and subsequently the level of 'cutting' may also increase and the quality deteriorate.
"…Even if they're just dealing a small amount, and they start with this big a habit they're going to cut it a bit more and keep a bit more for themselves, so the purity does fluctuate a fair bit, and it's people who are using themselves".
(Harm Reduction Worker)
The quality of heroin was seen by nearly all users in each area as a major determinant of their actions. Heroin quality was considered to have decreased over time and to vary between sellers (user/dealers).
Professional respondents focussed primarily on the interaction between using and dealing. We were unable in this regard to determine for how long the practice of dealing is sustained, and how this varies by individual. Users commented throughout the course of the research on the process of obtaining a 'good deal' due to the variation in heroin quality resulting from the actions of user/dealers.
In each of the three areas the majority of users felt that the quality available from user/dealers within the localities varied, with the result that users may move between sellers - based on word-of-mouth - to obtain the best 'deal' for their money.
In Fishton, in particular, users felt that they are free to choose which dealer they use as long as they have the contact details for the seller. No respondent reported that sellers held any bad feelings towards users who actively pick sellers with the best quality product.
"Most (users) will ask about; they will try those that have had good reports. Doesn't matter about changing dealers".
(Male, User)
Users in Fishton reported that dealers also embark on positive marketing strategies to gain business. Dealers are always adamant that they have the best quality heroin. Users would check this by asking fellow users who had previously done business with them.
In contrast to the predominant view in Fishton, users in Tannochbrae and Hailton suggested that moving between dealers was sometimes viewed less favourably. Four respondents spoke of their experience in this regard, for example:
"There was this was one person I used to buy it off, who I was on about - I used to do it for and she was really like, you know if you were buying it off her and then she found out you were buying it off someone else, she'd be like right I'm not selling it to you no more, but that's the only person I've known who's done that".
(Male, User)
"Sometimes there is a backlash, get jealous if they chose someone else - heard that".
(Male, User)
Whilst for Hailton:
"Most individuals go where the best stuff is. Some dealers do not like it and will start moaning at you; sometimes they will not sell to you again…' You went to such and such…'"
(Female, User)
The process of 'shopping around' for the best quality, whilst possible may not generally be a common practice. Without knowing the location of the sellers in each area it is hard to determine how far users may travel and the influencing factors for this. It is questionable what level of benefit a user may actually get from this. A user may be unlikely to switch seller if they have found a good source of heroin, and particularly if they hold the view that heroin quality does not actually vary to a great extent. Many users we spoke to doubted that shopping around brings any real benefit when compared to the ease of going to their regular seller. This is not to say that they thought quality does not vary, but two respondents each in Fishton and Tannochbrae told us that their lifestyles suited them going to the same dealer, instead of travelling around in search of a better deal.
What is clear, though, is the general consensus that the quality of heroin being sold at the low-level has decreased over time. This was a prominent theme for both users and professionals alike, albeit for differing reasons. Users were concerned about satisfying their use, whilst professional respondents were concerned about the adequate provision of harm reduction. In both Fishton and Tannochbrae reduced purity may mean that injecting has become an 'economic option', giving users the hit they need for a lower level of drug purity when compared with smoking. One respondent - an outreach worker in Tannochbrae - felt that injecting is promoted amongst users as a means of avoiding waste, particularly with purity varying, with users also turning to drinking strong lager and/or using diazepam.
The number of dealers
To try and gauge the complexity of the local market and possible levels of direct related harms caused by the buying and selling of heroin we wanted to know the number of heroin sellers in each area at the time of study. This did not allow us to calculate the amounts of heroin being sold, and the number of users. But it did demonstrate, through the wide ranging answers we received, the nature of closed markets in the three areas.
We were surprised by the wide range of estimates given in response to our enquiries. In Tannochbrae answers varied between six and fifty heroin dealers with two suggesting fifty. However, these figures were not representative for the market across the town. The majority of users interviewed were residents in Area L, and their experiences of finding it relatively easy to obtain heroin in this area meant that they had little/no knowledge of dealers operating in other parts of the town. These respondents accounted for answers at the bottom of the range, with estimates ranging from five to fifteen dealers in Area L.
We found the number of heroin dealers in Fishton to range from eight to thirty-four plus. In Fishton - as for Tannochbrae - the lower-end of the range given came from a respondent who focussed on a particular area - in this case, the area known as 'The Bronx':
"Heroin is sold in the Bronx. It is sold by eight to fifteen dealers…"
(Male, User)
Another respondent told us that, although she considered the market to have initially started in 'The Bronx' it now encompassed the whole of Fishton:
"Drugs (heroin) are all over Fishton. Initially it started at M Road - The Bronx…There must be twenty-five to thirty heroin dealers…"
(Female, Ex-User/Dealer)
One male user calculated the number of heroin dealers by scrolling within the directory of his mobile phone. He felt confident in his view that there are thirty-four plus dealers in the area due to his position as a close friend and 'employee' of one of the main dealers in the area. He gave a figure of thirty-four plus, but suggested that there would be easily be over fifty.
Users in Hailton, by contrast, gave limited information regarding the number of dealers, in terms of actual figures, but did give qualitative comments such as 'there are a lot of dealers in Hailton'. One professional respondent felt - in contrast with the 1980s - that there has been an increase in the number of dealers selling smaller amounts in the area, making it difficult to judge the size of the market.
In each area it was difficult to build an accurate picture of the size of the market in terms of the number of dealers due primarily to the closed nature of the markets in question and the differing experiences of users within them. Given the fluidity of market organisation, it is likely that even if a reliable estimate could be obtained, it would only be accurate for a short period of time.
The provision of credit and freebies
We wanted to know about any levels of possible provision of credit and/or 'freebies' within the three areas to assess the nature and organisation of the markets.
Our research showed that both practices were generally limited. One ex-user/dealer in Hailton, for example, felt that the demand for heroin is such that a given user/dealer would not provide 'credit' as they could easily acquire business without it. However, two other respondents reported the limited provision of credit through the formulation of trust built upon regular liaison and the perceived ability to pay.
In both Tannochbrae and Fishton we found a similar response, that for credit to be given there needs to be trust, and something to act as a guarantee. Nearly all respondents in the two areas considered credit only to be given to a select minority, those known and trusted.
The provision of freebies in each area was not considered to occur by any respondent, namely due to it conflicting with the needs of user/dealers. The same can be said in this regard about credit, particularly if users are not accessing the same user/dealer to allow for trust to form.
"If you know them well and you're a regular customer but very rare".
(Male, User, Fishton)
The provision of freebies was considered rare. Respondents did not see it to be of benefit to present user/dealers. Two respondents in Tannochbrae held a differing view with regard to the influence of dealers in the past. They felt free samples have been given to entice individuals onto the drug, for example:
"Dealers have some influence, for example, they'd give free samples - 'a wee taste' - because they know you'll come back and buy more."
(Male, User)
This, they both thought, was an act of the past, as Tannochbrae now has 'enough' heroin users.
Summary
Despite the three case-study areas being picked for their socio-economic differences the nature and culture of the heroin markets appeared to be remarkably similar. Whilst we may not be able to accurately comment on the extent of buying and selling, the views of buyers' and sellers' would suggest that the availability of heroin is endemic in all three areas.
The price of a unit of heroin (a bag) varies between the three areas but has remained remarkably constant over time. Market changes are represented by variations in product quality rather than price.
No buyer in the case-study areas reported any real difficulties in obtaining heroin. In both Fishton and Tannochbrae particular areas were noted for the availability of heroin, although sellers were not deemed to solely operate within these. Buyers discussed the widespread presence of the market in these two areas.
We can be clear in both Tannochbrae and Fishton that the market for heroin is isolated from those for other drugs. In Hailton we are less certain. Taking this into consideration, we suggest that the possibility of an individual being actively introduced to heroin through the purchase of cannabis remains slight.
The markets in the three areas were seen as closed in nature. Buyers spoke both of their own personal experiences in obtaining heroin and what they believed to be true for individuals unknown to a seller. ' Looking the part' was deemed to be necessary if an individual unknown to a seller was to be able to successfully score heroin.
Market transactions were considered both by buyers and sellers to primarily occur within residential properties. However, a number of police respondents in each area considered sellers to be wary about dealing from a residential property due to drawing unwanted police attention. In this regard, dealing in public spaces was said to take place.
In each area, despite receiving varying levels of information, we suggest that the local markets are not merely part of a supply chain but that this is the predominant factor governing their organisation. The availability of heroin within each area is based on the 'wholesaling' activities of certain individuals. Two broad stages of the distribution chain may be identified: the 'higher' end whereby an actual supply of heroin comes into the area and the 'lower' end that is concerned with the distribution of heroin within the area. This distinction becomes complicated when we concern ourselves with the activities of individuals 'moving up' this chain to obtain a supply of heroin for their own use and for selling on.
The majority opinion in all three areas is that dealers are predominantly 'user/dealers'. This can influence market nature, in terms of a more open style of delivery. However, it may have more to do with the desperation of an individual to sell an amount of heroin at a given point in time rather than being a change in the overall market nature. Recruitment into dealing seems to be comparatively easy, although we found a prevailing opinion that most user/dealers had problems staying in business in the longer term.
All respondents felt that the quality of heroin available from dealers within the localities varies, with the result that users may move between dealers (based on word-of-mouth) to obtain the best 'deal' for their money. However, because perceptions of quality are relative, based on previous experience, what may be considered 'good' by one user may not necessarily be seen the same by another. For each user there is a potential trade-off between travelling further to obtain 'better-quality' heroin, and the costs of doing so. But if users are strung out or rattling, they will take whatever they can get, regardless of quality.
The overwhelming opinion in each area was that the provision of credit and freebies is rare as a result of heroin dealers (predominantly) also being users. It was not seen by interviewees as beneficial for user/dealers to undertake either of these practices. The issuing of credit may occur, but it is certainly treated with caution by user/dealers, and is based on the prior establishment of trust through a continuing commercial relationship. The search for the 'best deal' in terms of heroin quality may jeopardise the ability to obtain credit.
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