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CHAPTER THREE - FOCUS GROUPS

Background

The main source of information about the needs of refugees were the experiences recounted by participants during the course of three focus groups which were held in Glasgow in the spring of 2005. The findings from these focus groups formed the basis for the service specification.

In order to get as comprehensive a view of refugee perceptions as possible the composition of each focus group was different. The breakdown was as follows:

1. Asylum seekers and recently confirmed Refugees
2. Refugees who received confirmation of their status more than 6 months previously
3. Female refugees who had received confirmation of their status at anything between 3 months and 3 years previously.

There were also successful attempts to include both single refugees and those in families. Although most of the refugees and asylum seekers were resident in Glasgow, two refugees were living in other areas of Scotland.

The range of different experiences represented in the focus groups was intended to provide researchers with sufficient knowledge to ensure that the specification was tailored to the needs of refugees from whatever background and was appropriate to the needs of local authorities regardless of size or geographical location.

There were a total of 25 participants from around 9 different countries of origin including Sri Lanka, Iran, Ivory Coast, Turkey, Iraq, Nigeria and Afghanistan. Where appropriate, translation facilities were provided.

This chapter includes three case studies, drawn from the focus groups, which have been chosen because taken together the experiences are typical of the responses researchers received. The case studies are used to provide a personal account of how the key issues raised by several respondents affected these particular individuals.

It is useful to set out some of the principal views expressed by asylum seekers and refugees as to what they valued most in terms of resettlement. The first key area identified was around the hopes and expectations of refugees with regard to their housing and wider resettlement in the UK.

Summary of Refugee Hopes and Expectations

It may be useful to set out some of the principal views expressed by asylum seekers and refugees as to what they value most in terms of resettlement.

• The recurring view expressed by participants was that what was wanted was a "decent flat in a decent area". A high proportion of refugees interviewed were unhappy both with the state of disrepair of their accommodation and with the area in which they had been placed and felt that they had been "dumped" with little or no access to facilities or other services.
• There was disappointment amongst participants that there was not more social engagement with the local population. There was a feeling that if the opportunities were there greater bonds could be made and mistrust would be reduced.
• Refugees earnestly hoped, on their own and their families' behalf, that they would remain safe. The incidence of racial harassment reported was shocking ranging from verbal abuse to physical assault. Racial harassment appears to have been suffered by men and women equally. Women felt particularly vulnerable to violence and harassment without male companionship. Participants wanted reassurance that council and police response would be adequate at these times and that work could be done to educate the host community.
• Refugees valued the services they had received but wanted greater and easier access to these, whether it be health or children's education.
• Many of the refugees interviewed wanted to work but appreciated in many cases that they needed to improve skills such as English language. A premium was placed on English language classes and vocational training.
• Some refugees were anxious to feel able to exercise their religious and cultural traditions.

Coping with the transitional period

Receipt of letters notifying refugees that they must vacate their NASS accommodation within 28 days (often shorter by the time the letter is received) caused great anxiety. The reassurance that people received was dependent on individual case workers. For some participants the transition had been smooth and their case officer had provided clear information and advice about the process that would be followed and about the timescale.

All participants felt that they had had no control over the situation. They reported that they had been told what they should do rather than asked what their choice would be. They felt disempowered by this experience. One participant felt that when she occupied her hard to heat flat in an area with a reputation for trouble she had had no choice. Implied threats were used - "it's either this tenancy or you will be homeless". Single women with children in particular found the assistance they received at this time inadequate given the preparations that had to be made.

Where people lacked friends or relatives the move was more traumatic and some found it extremely difficult from a practical point of view.

Housing needs/priorities

Participants stated that living in a "decent flat in a decent area" was most important in their lives. "Decent" meant safe from fear of violence and harassment. Drink and drug problems in an area were experienced as being closely linked to crime and harassment. Only a minority felt happy with the accommodation they occupied and its location, whether it was a council, housing association or privately rented property. A majority of participants living in council housing felt unsafe in the area and the flat, and dampness and fuel poverty were major problems for them. Around three-quarters of participants registered present or past dissatisfaction with one or more aspects of their housing.

Safety was a primary concern, especially for women with the care of children, closely followed by dampness and fuel poverty. The type of housing provided was a particular concern for some participants, who were disconcerted about living in a high-rise property. In summary, the priority areas of concern in terms of location and condition of property were:

• small size, ( e.g. 3 people sharing a bed)
• disrepair ( e.g. dampness, ceiling paint falling off, damaged walls)
• security ( e.g. no secure locks and a lack of monitors within high rise buildings)
• poor level of maintenance ( e.g. repairs of fridge, washing machines, etc. One participant stated that after waiting for several months for things to be done she had given up and since then always reports that everything is fine, since 'there is no point')
• noise and antisocial behaviour by "intimidating" locals
• high crime rate
• public drunkenness and drug taking

Access to services, schools and transport were all regarded as important but views on this were less forcefully expressed than people's concerns regarding disrepair and lack of safety. However, for some participants their proximity to a mosque was hugely important as, in addition to being a place of worship, a mosque was somewhere that they felt secure and in touch with a supportive network.

Those with families abroad, were asked whether they had any short to medium term intention of applying for family reunion. This generated surprise from some who could not conceive of this being a possibility while they were struggling with the housing issues they had.

Fuel poverty

Fuel poverty was a major problem for participants, made worse in some cases by the higher unit-costs of prepayment meters, or having to pay over-estimated estimate bills. Some complained that they had received no guidance in the operation of their appliances nor were they prepared for the high cost of gas and electricity. While some welcomed the idea of advice on fuel efficiency others who had experienced dampness said that even with such advice there was nothing they could have done differently due to the cold.

Perceptions of housing support issues

Participants had varying degrees of success with completing forms in relation to their housing application and benefits. All participants in one focus group (newly recognised refugees) reported that they knew very little or nothing about housing and the 'systems' in Scotland, their rights and entitlements and where to complain and get good advice. Invariably people received assistance with the completion of their housing application from council officers, accessing benefits when they moved into temporary accommodation. Whether this was a problem appeared to depend on whether people received advice that they regarded as independent i.e. from a voluntary organisation. There was generally a positive impression held by refugees of the support they had received from organisations working in the voluntary sector. Most participants had received some assistance with making housing applications and, in several cases, when applying for benefits. Obtaining a National Insurance number, which allowed claims and was required by the Job Centre, was an area in which some felt advice and assistance was needed.

Most participants had also had support from officers within their council but felt that case workers' input was variable. Some regarded officers as really helpful ( i.e. fixed appointments for them and advocated on their behalf making calls to utilities etc.) while others were regarded as unsympathetic and mainly interested in "forcing" them to sign up to tenancies they did not want. A source of frustration was the lack of action taken in response to poor repair of housing or reports of racial harassment. There were comments from people who felt that they had been "abandoned" by their casework officers. In these instances no follow-up appointments had been arranged and trying to keep in touch was practically very difficult. Trips to phone boxes and costly phone calls often did not achieve the desired result. Participants wanted clear information so that they did not feel as if something was happening without their knowing about it.

Several participants reported experiencing rudeness on one or more occasions while one participant stated that she had experienced behaviour that could have been regarded as racist.

Gender issues

Participants in the female focus group believed that their problems and needs with regard to housing were similar to those of male asylum seekers and refugees. These women had been solely responsible for organising their households and caring for their children. One woman felt that she was not party to the information given to her husband and therefore was unable to react by preparing the family for what was to happen. Those women who were the sole adults in the households felt particularly vulnerable in the street and in the building and thought that male company might offer some degree of protection from violence and harassment. They found it particularly difficult to have had to move house quickly, without any support, and in one case while caring for children at the same time.

Throughout the focus groups, participants registered their unhappiness with temporary hotel or hostel type accommodation used prior to permanent accommodation. Women in particular voiced real concerns over personal safety due to their often close proximity to other residents who were routinely aggressive.

Advice to their local authority

"Treat me as a person, not like rubbish"!

Participants felt that it was important for all council officials to treat asylum seekers and refugees in a friendly and sympathetic manner. The women felt it was unlikely that the lives of asylum seekers and refugees would improve unless there was a radical overhaul of the allocations policy with regard to asylum seekers and refugees. They saw a direct link between racial harassment and violence on the one hand, and the policy of housing large numbers of asylum seekers and refugees in small areas where alcohol and drug addiction were common on the other. The policy of keeping many refugees in their previous NASS tenancies worked for some people but left others (usually those who complained about the condition of their accommodation) without hope.

Key recommendations for improvements were:

• "Train caseworkers properly"
• "Provide information and advice so people understand better housing issues and know their rights and entitlements and where to complain"
• "Better protection and response by the police to claims and incidents of harassment and abuse"
• "Better standards of accommodation for refugees and asylum seekers"
• "Better maintenance of the properties, for example, monitoring whether landlords are meeting their obligations on this"
• "Raise awareness amongst neighbours including bringing asylum seekers to speak and explain their situation"
• "More opportunity to speak about their situation (to their neighbours)"
• "Advice on how to best deal with racism"
• "Organise more activities that make people busy, occupied and to prevent losing their skills and motivation", for example placements with Scottish Refugee Council or attending professional events. One suggestion was that a project could be set up for unemployed refugees who had DIY skills to undertake minor repairs on other refugees' flats or engineers to service washing machines etc.

Case studies

The following case studies provide a personal account of how the key issues affected some individuals.

(i) Mrs A

Mrs A, a widow, lives with her school-age daughter. On arrival in the United Kingdom, she was allocated a fully-furnished temporary flat. Eighteen days later, Mrs A was moved to another fully-furnished temporary flat in a high-rise block, where she lived for a year. Both flats were cold and difficult to heat, Mrs A suffered frequent racial harassment, and she was scared for her daughter as they lived close to a railway line. Living near the top of a high-rise building caused her particular anxiety, because such buildings do not exist in her country, and she was fearful that something would happen to the building and terrified to hear the wind blow at such height.

When her refugee status was confirmed, Mrs A was given conflicting information by the Council about what would happen - confirmation that she would have to move was followed by pressure to sign a permanent tenancy agreement on the flat she occupied or else find accommodation in the private rented sector.

A referral to a voluntary organisation, however, led to Mrs A not only securing more appropriate accommodation but also a full benefits check which enabled her to purchase, with the assistance of a Social Fund payment, many essential items that she had previously had to do without.

Mrs A's present flat is on the 10 ^th floor of another high-rise building. She still suffers racial harassment, although not as badly as when in the temporary tenancy. Her daughter is particularly anxious about using the lift, where she has been harassed by people who were drunk - once she had to raise the alarm and received assistance from the concierge.

Mrs A again suffers from the cold and her daughter has persistent bronchial problems. She pays £60 a month on electricity but cannot keep the flat warm. The windows are single-glazed and she has had to put cellophane over doors and windows to reduce draughts. She has asked housing officers to attend the flat on numerous occasions but instead of scheduling appointments they have shown up when she is out.

Mrs A does, however, live close to a mosque, which she had asked for, and which gives her comfort - her daughter can now attend daily lessons at the mosque and both gain support from others in the community.

Mrs A would like to stay in the same area, close to her daughter's school and to the mosque. but would like to move to a different property, not a high-rise, which was easier to heat. She feels she would need more help from the GP in gaining medical points, and from housing officers in giving her points for living in a cold flat for this to be possible. She believes that the Council will not carry out any repairs on her current flat because they intend to demolish the building in future. Throughout, Mrs A has felt that she has not been given sufficient information or advice to make informed choices or, generally, to feel secure.

(ii) Mrs K:

Mrs K is a single woman. On arrival in the United Kingdom she was given a bedroom in a hostel which was "horrible, damp, and with water leaking down from the upstairs bathroom". She spoke no English at the time and could never find anyone to whom she could complain about the damp. Her lack of confidence in English inhibited her. An absence of friends/relatives or any kind of contact made things very difficult. She was unable to make links which would have been necessary to integrate locally.

After about six weeks, Mrs K was told that she had three days to get out of the hostel. Fortunately, this news coincided with confirmation of her refugee status which enabled her to make a homelessness application to her local authority. Mrs K was sick and would not have known what to do if forced to locate accommodation herself.

The homelessness department allocated Mrs K a temporary flat which she liked. Four months later, she had to see a Housing Officer who she felt "treated me badly and said I had to get out of my flat and choose between properties in two areas that I did not like". She had heard bad reports of both areas and was very scared.

Mrs K was given one month to move once a pressurised decision had been made. The new flat was not furnished and she had no advice on what she could do. There was no electricity. Mrs K's attempts to call the council were hampered due to lack of money to use payphones that were often located in streets that were dangerous. Mrs K had had stones thrown at her on several occasions while phoning the council previously. It took three weeks before the electricity was connected and she could move in. This left Mrs K with £300 of rent arrears, since Housing Benefit was not paid on both homes for the period.

When she did move Mrs K had no idea where to shop and suffered great loneliness as there was nobody she could speak to or to show her around. Mrs K cannot get a washing machine because she cannot get money for a plumber to connect one. She currently pays £60-80 a month on electricity (pre-payment meter) as the house is damp and draughty.

Mrs K's personal safety is also a concern in the area in which she lives. She is very scared, because there are many people with drink and drug problems in the neighbourhood and drunk men knock at her door at night. She is scared to go out in the evenings. She was threatened by a drunk man with a knife on her way to the shop. There is no shop close by and it takes Mrs K a long bus journey to get to essential amenities. She is on the waiting list for another tenancy, but has little hope of getting a move. She would move to a private tenancy if she could raise a deposit, which she cannot.

(iii) Mr J:

Mr J is from Burundi and is a qualified engineer. He was granted refugee status 2 years ago and although he has a right to apply to have his wife and two children join him he is not in a financial position to do so. He would also be concerned for their welfare if they were to settle with him. He himself has been physically assaulted once and receives verbal threats on at least a weekly basis.

On arrival in Scotland Mr J was referred to the Scottish Refugee Council by the local police and stayed in a hostel with other refugees. He then spent around three weeks with a family who had volunteered to house refugees on a temporary basis and claims that this has been his best time since he came here. They were able to take him to places of interest, show him where to shop and where cheap food and clothes could be purchased. They have also subsequently helped him to settle into permanent accommodation and have shown him how appliances he has purchased are used.

Mr J said he encountered difficulties with the council and given these difficulties and the lack of choices he felt he had on where he lived, he managed to find privately rented accommodation through a friend who was also a refugee and a tenant of the same landlord.

Mr J recalls that his main problems in the early days related to a lack of awareness about what services were available and how they could be accessed. He also says that simple things like when refuse collection was carried out and what it involved was among an array of apparently minor things that held his integration back.

More generally, Mr J found Scotland to be an alien environment and he lacked someone to advocate on his behalf and assist him to "win battles" with organisations or institutions.

Mr J has also encountered racism in his efforts to gain employment. One advert he responded to was for platform cleaners at the station. He was told that he was "not qualified". He feels that in his dealings with the council there has been no acknowledgement of the other difficulties he was experiencing when pressure was being applied to accept tenancies and such like. He strongly believes that a more positive recruitment policy to engage refugees themselves would improve the perception he has of the council.

Everything Mr J has achieved in terms of gaining re-training he has done himself with only minimal support from others. He feels there is not enough provision to assist him in getting his engineering qualifications recognised.

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