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6 THE DISADVANTAGED
In this chapter we look more closely at patterns of labour market entry of less advantaged young people and at those who have encountered difficulties. The chapter begins with an overview of some of the types of disadvantage that can be identified among the 19 year-olds in the sample, categorising them so as to differentiate between disadvantages associated with family circumstances (such as low social class), educational outcomes (such as poor qualifications) and labour market experiences (such as unemployment). Reflecting current policy concerns, this is followed by an analysis of the characteristics of young people who spent time not in employment, education and training ( NEET): the SSLS is the only regular Scottish survey that is able to comment on the characteristics of those who become NEET as well as highlighting young people's own views about the NEET experience. Recognising that a large proportion of those who are NEET fit standard definitions of unemployment, the chapter also examines the prevalence of unemployment and the difficulties faced by those who encounter unemployment. Finally, the chapter focuses on two other disadvantaged groups: young women who are out of the labour market and those working in low skill jobs who may be vulnerable to unemployment at a later stage.
6.1 Types of disadvantage and labour market entry
Young people from disadvantaged families frequently encounter difficulties in the labour market. These difficulties can be linked to the well known association between a lack of resources and educational underperformance, to an unfamiliarity with opportunities for further education or training and to the lack of opportunities in certain localities. Using data that are available in the SSLS, the chapter begins with a summary of patterns of disadvantage before moving on to look at some of the ways in which these are linked to labour market entry.
Being a nationally representative sample, the number of young people who lived in Social Inclusion Partnership areas ( SIPS) was relatively small (15%) with a similar proportion reporting that their parent with the highest skilled occupation worked in routine and semi routine jobs (14%) (Table 6-1). In terms of educational attainments, around one in four either had no Standard Grades at age 16 or had passes at below level 2. At age 19, more than four in ten had yet to achieve a qualification at SQF level 2 or above, although many were still on courses that would lead to a qualification either at or above this level. A small minority of young people showed signs of educational disaffection in that they had truanted regularly whilst at school (7%). At age 19, around four per cent of females had children and were either living alone, without a partner, or were living with their parents.
Although levels of unemployment at age 19 were relatively low (7%), one in five had encountered at least one spell of unemployment since last contacted in November 2003, five per cent had been unemployed on at least two occasions during this period while a similar proportion had experienced a spell of unemployment lasting at least six months. At the time of the current survey, just over one in ten were not in education, employment or training ( NEET). More than one in five males had been on some kind of Government training programme since November 2003 and just over one in ten females had experienced this type of training. Among those in employment, almost three in ten considered their jobs to be temporary and a similar proportion worked in a low skill occupation, females being more likely to have low skill jobs.
Table 6-1 Indicators of disadvantage, by gender
All respondents | Male | Female | Total |
|---|
% | % | % |
|---|
Family circumstances |
|---|
Parents in routine or semi routine job | 13 | 15 | 14 |
|---|
SIP resident | 15 | 15 | 15 |
|---|
Educational |
|---|
No Standard Grades at 1-2 at age 16 | 29 | 24 | 26 |
|---|
No qualification beyond SQF level 2 at age 19 | 44 | 38 | 41 |
|---|
Regular truant | 6 | 8 | 7 |
|---|
Personal circumstances |
|---|
Young parent living alone or with own parents | 0 | 4 | 2 |
|---|
Means tested benefit | 8 | 11 | 10 |
|---|
External locus of control (bottom decile) | 8 | 12 | 10 |
|---|
Labour market disadvantage |
|---|
Current unemployment | 8 | 5 | 7 |
|---|
Unemployed at least once since 2003 | 20 | 19 | 20 |
|---|
Unemployed twice or more since 2003 | 5 | 5 | 5 |
|---|
Unemployed continuously for more than 6 months | 8 | 7 | 7 |
|---|
Currently NEET | 10 | 12 | 11 |
|---|
Government training programme since 2003 | 26 | 12 | 19 |
|---|
Current or last job temporary | 29 | 28 | 29 |
|---|
In a low skill job | 23 | 31 | 27 |
|---|
Bases (weighted) | 1642 | 1603 | 3245 |
|---|
Bases (unweighted) | 1359 | 1886 | 3245 |
|---|
Whereas almost one in two young people from professional and managerial families were participating in Higher Education ( HE) at age 19, fewer than one in five with parents in routine and semi-routine occupations had a place in HE (Table 6-2). There are similar, relatively low, proportions in HE among those living in SIP areas and among those with a poor locus of control, who tend to feel that they lack influence over day-to-day events. Virtually all lone parents had abandoned their education.
Table 6-2 Deprivation indicators, by educational participation
| Current educational participation |
|---|
Currently in HE | Currently in other FT education | Completed education |
|---|
% | % | % |
|---|
All respondents | 35 | 10 | 55 |
|---|
Males | 32 | 10 | 59 |
|---|
Females | 38 | 11 | 51 |
|---|
Prof and managerial class (I&II) | 49 | 8 | 43 |
|---|
Low social class (V+VI) | 19 | 13 | 69 |
|---|
SIP | 23 | 13 | 64 |
|---|
Young parent living alone or with own parents | 4 | 0 | 96 |
|---|
External locus of control (bottom decile) | 20 | 7 | 73 |
|---|
Bases (weighted) | 1130 | 331 | 1785 |
|---|
Bases (unweighted) | 1535 | 283 | 1427 |
|---|
In many respects, regional variations in patterns of educational participation reflect a combination of the spatial distribution of advantage and disadvantage along with ease of access and study opportunities. At age 19, the lowest levels of educational participation were to be found in Highlands, Lanark and Fife, while the highest levels of participation were in Renfrew, Central and Dumbarton 5 (Figure 6-1).
Figure 6-1 Young people's educational status at age 19, by region
unweighted n=3245
Among those from low social class families and those coming from SIP areas levels of employment and unemployment were somewhat higher than the average (Table 6-3), probably reflecting their lower levels of educational participation. There was an association between qualifications and current status, with lower levels of educational participation and relatively high rates of unemployment among those who had obtained no Standard Grades at grades 1-2 at age 16. The relationship between status and qualifications at age 19 was less clear, partly because of the numbers still in education who had not completed a qualification. While those in receipt of means tested benefits were engaged in a range of activities, reflecting patterns of eligibility, the largest group were unemployed. Those with a strong external locus of control (that is, those who feel they have influence over what happens to them) appeared to have an increased likelihood of unemployment, although the tendency to perceive a lack of control over events could also be a response to unemployment and difficult labour market experiences. Rates of unemployment were particularly high among those who had experienced unemployment since 2003 (some of whom have remained unemployed while others are experiencing a further period) and those whose last job had been on a temporary contract.
Table 6-3 Indicators of disadvantage, by current status
All respondents | Current status | Base (weighted) | Base
(unweighted) |
|---|
Education % | Job % | Training % | Unemp % | Carer % | Other % |
|---|
Family circumstances |
|---|
Low social class | 32 | 44 | 7 | 11 | 4 | 2 | 414 | 299 |
|---|
SIP resident | 36 | 39 | 8 | 12 | 2 | 2 | 494 | 254 |
|---|
Educational |
|---|
No SGs at 1-2 at 16 | 21 | 43 | 12 | 17 | 2 | 4 | 762 | 416 |
|---|
No qual beyond SQF 2 at 19 | 17 | 47 | 16 | 13 | 3 | 4 | 1156 | 832 |
|---|
Personal |
|---|
Means tested benefit | 17 | 12 | 5 | 40 | 14 | 11 | 312 | 206 |
|---|
External locus of control (bottom decile) | 28 | 38 | 8 | 14 | 5 | 8 | 317 | 275 |
|---|
Labour market |
|---|
Unemployed at least once since 2003 | 22 | 30 | 4 | 31 | 6 | 7 | 629 | 454 |
|---|
Unemployed twice or more since 2003 | 21 | 22 | 6 | 35 | 6 | 10 | 174 | 118 |
|---|
Unemployed continuously for more than 6 months | 20 | 26 | 4 | 31 | 10 | 9 | 233 | 161 |
|---|
Government training programme since 2003 | 7 | 34 | 44 | 12 | 1 | 1 | 600 | 396 |
|---|
Current or last job temporary | 0 | 61 | 12 | 19 | 3 | 5 | 442 | 353 |
|---|
Current or last job low skill | 1 | 73 | 8 | 10 | 3 | 4 | 863 | 730 |
|---|
Total | 45 | 35 | 9 | 7 | 2 | 3 | 3225 | 3231 |
|---|
6.2 Prevalence of NEET
At age 19 (Spring 2005), eleven per cent of young people were NEET (Table 6-4). For many young people, being NEET is associated with difficulties in moving into education, work or training while for others it may represent a chosen lifestyle involving travel or other 'gap' activities. Although the percentage of young people who were NEET in the period covered by the survey tended not to move to far above or below one in ten (as would be expected, the figure is slightly higher in August 2004 reflecting 'vacation' unemployment and in increased transitional movement), in most of the periods a majority of those who were NEET at one point in time were still NEET around three months later. Of those who were NEET in February 2004, for example, 84 per cent were NEET in May 2004. This perhaps suggests a lack of effective policies to move the 'hard-core' NEET closer to the labour market.
Table 6-4 Prevalence of
NEET and continuity between time periods
| Feb 04 | May 04 | Aug 04 | Nov 04 | Spring 05 |
|---|
% | % | % | % | % |
|---|
NEET | 7 | 8 | 14 | 7 | 11 |
|---|
NEET from previous period | - | 84 | 62 | 40 | 55 |
|---|
| Base ( weighted) | 226 | 272 | 470 | 232 | 359 |
|---|
Base (unweighted) | 161 | 201 | 481 | 185 | 243 |
|---|
The majority of young people defined as NEET were out of work and looking for a job (conforming to the ILO definition of unemployment where respondents had been available for work and actively searching for a job) (Table 6-5). Unemployment accounted for the activities of nearly eight in ten males and nearly one in two females who were NEET. Almost one in three females, but virtually no males, who were NEET were caring for children or family and relatively small proportions of both genders were on unpaid holiday or taking a 'gap' year. Very few young people were undertaking voluntary work as a main activity. A significant number were engaged in other, unspecified, activities.
Table 6-5 Disaggregation of
NEET based on current status
| all respondents | NEET |
|---|
Male | Female | Male | Female |
|---|
% | % | % | % |
|---|
Out of work and looking for a job | 8 | 5 | 78 | 45 |
|---|
Caring for children or family | 0 | 3 | 0 | 28 |
|---|
Unpaid holiday | 1 | 0 | 5 | 4 |
|---|
Voluntary work | 0 | 0 | 1 | 3 |
|---|
Out of work but not seeking | 1 | 2 | 10 | 13 |
|---|
Other (unspecified) | 1 | 1 | 7 | 7 |
|---|
Bases (weighted) | 1630 | 1598 | 167 | 192 |
|---|
Bases (unweighted) | 1351 | 1880 | 95 | 148 |
|---|
6.3 Characteristics of NEET
With NEET being a heterogeneous category, it includes those who are particularly disadvantaged as well as those who are relatively advantaged, although the former are more strongly represented. To highlight the characteristics of young people classified as NEET, Figure 6-2 provides a summary of the characteristics of those who were NEET when surveyed ( NEET 2005) alongside those who had recorded NEET as their main activity category at each activity census point since February 2004 (Feb 2004, May 2004, August 2004, November 2004 and Spring 2005 survey point) and those who had never recorded being NEET since February 2004.
Figure 6-2 shows clearly that those who had never experienced NEET were a more advantaged group than those either with extensive experience of NEET or those NEET at the time of the survey. Those with the more extensive experience of NEET tended to be more strongly disadvantaged. Those who had been NEET since 2004, for example, were more likely to have not passed a Standard Grade at above grades 1-2 at age 16, to have been regular truants, to currently be lone parents and to have a strong external locus of control. The longer term NEET group, however, are a relatively small group, accounting for around two per cent of the sample (n=69 weighted, 43 unweighted).
Figure 6-2 Experience of
NEET for groups with various kinds of disadvantage
(The category of respondent is shown at the left. The bars to the right show the percentages of each of these groups who had three differing levels of experience of NEET.)
Bases unweighted: No NEET since 04, 2512; NEET since 04, 43; NEET 2005, 243.
Those who were currently NEET were asked about the factors associated with their non-participation in education, employment or training (Figure 6-3). The main reasons given related to their not having found a suitable job or course, to a perceived lack of suitable opportunities or to qualification deficits. Males were particularly likely to highlight their need for more qualifications but were also more likely to highlight the lack of courses or jobs and indecision. Family and childcare issues as well as personal problems were cited by significant numbers of females: almost four in ten were currently looking after the home or children while almost one in four had personal problems. Almost three in ten males and one in five females said that they were taking a break from study.
Figure 6-3 Reasons for being
NEET(Reasons for being NEET are shown at the left. The bars to the right show the percentages of all male and females respondents who were NEET who cited this as a reason. Note that respondents could cite more than one reason.)
unweighted n=95 (male) 148 (female)
In comparison with those who were not NEET at age 19, more of those who were NEET had been provided with advice from certain sources. Those who were NEET were far more likely to have received advice from JobCentre Plus and from Careers Scotland and were more likely to have been advised by family and friends or to have got information from the internet (Table 6-6). Those who were NEET were slightly less likely to have received help from school or university careers services, from employers or workmates. There was little difference between the groups in their assessment of the helpfulness of the advice received; the vast majority rated advice received positively.
Table 6-6 Careers advice received and usefulness of such advice, by
NEET status
| Received advice | Advice helpful |
|---|
NEET | Not NEET | NEET | Not NEET |
|---|
Source of advice: | % | % | % | % |
|---|
JobCentre Plus | 60 | 22 | 70 | 72 |
|---|
Careers Scotland | 59 | 39 | 76 | 81 |
|---|
Telephone helpline | 3 | 1 | 75 | 84 |
|---|
School/Uni Careers | 51 | 55 | 74 | 81 |
|---|
Tutor at school/uni | 31 | 45 | 77 | 92 |
|---|
Employer | 19 | 22 | 79 | 91 |
|---|
Workmates | 23 | 24 | 90 | 90 |
|---|
Family | 77 | 70 | 91 | 95 |
|---|
Friends | 65 | 52 | 89 | 94 |
|---|
Internet | 38 | 35 | 90 | 92 |
|---|
Base (weighted) | 326 | 2550 | 190 | 567 |
|---|
Base (unweighted) | 224 | 2673 | 120 | 478 |
|---|
6.4 Unemployment
While NEET provides one measure of labour market disadvantage, a focus on unemployment avoids some of the issues of heterogeneity that are inherent in NEET. Moreover, at age 19, the cohort are moving from an age and a context in which policies tend to be framed by reference to the " NEET" category to another context in which policies tend to refer to the traditional measure of unemployment. In this section we contrast those who have been unemployed on just one occasion since 2003 with those who have experienced a period of unemployment lasting at least six months.
With around one in five experiencing a period of unemployment between November 2003 and spring 2005, a short period without work can be seen as relatively common (Table 6-7). Longer term unemployment in this period is confined to less than one in ten of the cohort. In terms of social class, residence in a SIP area and qualifications at age 16, the two groups are quite similar, although there were slightly more regular truants among the group with the more extensive experience of unemployment. Those who had been unemployed for six months or more were also more likely to have experienced government training schemes, although this is more likely to be a consequence of their unemployment rather than a cause of it. The greater proportion of female single parents among those out of work for more than six months is likely to reflect child care needs.
Table 6-7 Indicators of disadvantage, by experience of unemployment
| Ever unemployed since 2003 | 6 months or more unemployed since 2003 |
|---|
Male
% | Female
% | Male
% | Female
% |
|---|
All | 20 | 19 | 8 | 7 |
|---|
Parents routine job | 19 | 30 | 24 | 32 |
|---|
SIP | 21 | 19 | 18 | 22 |
|---|
No SG at 1-2 at 16 | 56 | 44 | 57 | 46 |
|---|
Regular truant | 15 | 23 | 24 | 27 |
|---|
External locus of control | 17 | 21 | 19 | 24 |
|---|
Lone parent | 0 | 14 | 1 | 23 |
|---|
Govt training since 2003 | 30 | 21 | 35 | 31 |
|---|
Base (weighted) | 333 | 302 | 125 | 111 |
|---|
Base (Unweighted) | 195 | 262 | 72 | 90 |
|---|
The percentages of young people who had been unemployed at any time since November 2003 were greatest among those who had been resident at the age of 16 in Glasgow and Argyll and Ayr, followed by those from the Borders and Fife: rates of unemployment were particularly low among those from Dumbarton and Grampian (Figure 6-4). Rates of long-term unemployment were also relatively low among those from Dumbarton and Grampian, but high among those from the Borders and Glasgow.
Figure 6-4 Experience of unemployment by region
Bases unweighted; unemployed 6 months plus=162, unemployed since 2003=457
Those who were unemployed at age 19 most frequently explained their situation as being a consequence of not having found a suitable job or course, being undecided about the type of job or course they wanted to do, needing additional qualifications or skills or to a lack of decent jobs or courses in the area in which they lived. Around one in five said that they were having a break from study and a small number had some kind of personal problem. Very few said that they would be worse off financially in a job or on a course.
Table 6-8 Reasons for current unemployment
Note that respondents could cite more than one reason.Reasons given for being currently unemployed | All those currently unemployed |
|---|
| % |
|---|
Currently having a break from study | 20 |
|---|
Need more qualifications or skills for a job | 37 |
|---|
Currently looking after home or kids | 6 |
|---|
Looking after other family members | 5 |
|---|
In poor health or disabled | 6 |
|---|
Have housing problems | 8 |
|---|
Have family problems | 8 |
|---|
Have personal problems | 15 |
|---|
Would find it difficult to travel to work or college | 13 |
|---|
Would be worse off financially in work or on a course | 7 |
|---|
These are no decent jobs or courses where I live | 35 |
|---|
Have not decided what job or course to do | 37 |
|---|
Have not found a suitable job or course | 58 |
|---|
Other reason | 12 |
|---|
Base (weighted) | 307 |
|---|
Base (unweighted) | 197 |
|---|
6.5 Females out of the labour force
At age 19, only 3 per cent of young women described themselves as caring full-time for children or family, while a further 2 per cent were outside the labour force and not seeking work. Although the numbers are small (n=90), given their unique problems, the group merits some further discussion.
In comparison with other females, those who were out of the labour force for reasons other than unemployment were particularly disadvantaged. They were drawn disproportionately from the routine manual classes, more than four in ten had gained no Standard Grades at grades 1-2 at aged 16 and, whilst at school, around three in ten were regular truants. (Figure 6-5). Almost three in ten had a strongly external locus of control and, therefore, a tendency to see themselves as having a somewhat weak influence over life events.
Figure 6-5 Indicators of disadvantage: mothers out of the labour force vs other females
(Various categories of disadvantage are shown at the left. The bars to the right show the percentages of female respondents who were out of the labour force ( OLF), and of other females, who fell into the relevant category.)
Bases (unweighted); women out of labour force=90, other women=1796
For women outside the labour market, family commitments were the main obstacle to finding jobs or courses: more than six in ten cited responsibilities for the home or children and a range of other personal, housing and family problems were also mentioned (Table 6-9). Nearly three in ten said that they would be worse off financially in work or on a course. Yet at the same time, like the unemployed, there was a feeling among a significant minority that there were no decent jobs or course available, that they had yet to find a suitable job or course or that they needed more qualifications or skills.
Table 6-9 Female respondents: Reasons for currently being out of the labour force
| Reasons given for being currently out of the labour force | All those out of the labour force |
|---|
% |
|---|
I am currently having a break from study | 22 |
|---|
I need more qualifications and skills to get a job, education or training place | 35 |
|---|
I am currently looking after the home or children | 61 |
|---|
I am currently looking after other family members such as a parent or other relative | 11 |
|---|
I have poor health or a disability | 12 |
|---|
I have housing problems | 16 |
|---|
I have family problems | 12 |
|---|
I have personal problems | 18 |
|---|
I (would) find it difficult to travel to work or college because of poor transport where I live | 10 |
|---|
I would be worse off financially in work or on a course | 28 |
|---|
There are no decent jobs or course available where I live | 27 |
|---|
I have not yet decided what sort of course or job I want to do | 34 |
|---|
I have not found a suitable job or course | 28 |
|---|
Other reasons | 21 |
|---|
Bases (weighted) | 83 |
|---|
Bases (unweighted) | 65 |
|---|
6.6 Low skill jobs
Confining the discussion of disadvantage to those NEET, unemployed or out of the labour market for other reasons risks leading to the impression that those who find employment do not require further specific policy interventions. Yet many young people may hold jobs that they regard as temporary, that do not provide training or which fail to make use of their skills or education. In the context of the experiences of 19 year-olds, it is difficult to distinguish precarious employment from jobs that are selected for their flexibility. In the SSLS, around fifty per cent of those in full-time employment occupied low skill jobs (defined here as jobs in Personal and Protective Services, Sales, Plant and Machine Operatives and Other Occupations) at age 19. Females were far more likely to work in low skill occupations than males: 60 per cent of females compared to 41 per cent of males.
At 19, many of those in low skill jobs are likely to regard them as temporary and this is reflected in their attitudes towards their jobs (Table 6-10). A strong majority of those in low skill jobs said that they would leave if they could get something better or that they only do this work for the money. Around one in four low skill workers said that this was the sort of work they wanted to do in the future. At the same time, a large majority agreed that the job was teaching them useful skills and that the experience should help them to move on to something better.
Table 6-10 Attitudes towards current job, by skill level
Attitude statement | Respondents agreeing with statement among those who are currently in: |
|---|
Low skill job
% | Other job
% |
|---|
I would leave this job if I could get something better | 74 | 56 |
|---|
The main reason I do this is for the money | 61 | 52 |
|---|
I will probably leave this job when I have my qualification | 33 | 21 |
|---|
This is good experience and should help me move to something better | 82 | 87 |
|---|
This job is teaching me useful skills | 83 | 94 |
|---|
This is the only job I've had since leaving school | 42 | 47 |
|---|
This is the kind of work I want to do in the future | 41 | 67 |
|---|
Base (weighted) | 409 | 368 |
|---|
Base (unweighted) | 302 | 355 |
|---|
6.7 Key points
- This chapter has summarised patterns of disadvantage among 19 year-olds, highlighting disadvantages associated with family circumstances, educational outcomes and labour market experiences.
- For many young people, the past 18 months were eventful. One in five had been unemployed on at least one occasion while 7 per cent had been unemployed for six months or more. More than one in ten were NEET and three in ten held temporary jobs. Interventions in the form of Government sponsored training programmes had been relatively common: experienced by one in five males and one in ten females over the last 18 months.
- While many 19 year-olds were still participating in full-time education, attendance was not so common among those with various disadvantages. Moreover, rates of unemployment and the prevalence of NEET were related to disadvantage. There was evidence to show that a substantial proportion of those who become NEET (and most of these are unemployed and seeking work) find it difficult to move on into education or jobs.
- Those who were NEET tended to explain their situation in terms of a lack of job opportunities while some were trying to arrive at decisions regarding jobs or courses. A significant proportion recognised a need for more qualifications while a group of females had problems relating to family or childcare that hindered the search for jobs or courses. A large proportion of those who were NEET had received advice from a range of sources, such as Jobcentre Plus and Careers Scotland, that was regarded as helpful.
- There is a relatively small group of young women who are outside the labour market, usually because of family or childcare commitments. These young women, who tend to be very disadvantaged, are faced with a specific set of barriers to accessing jobs or courses.
- Finally, many of those who are in full-time employment at age 19 work in low skill jobs, often held on temporary contracts. Levels of dissatisfaction are higher than among those in more skilled work, although many hope that they will develop skills that will allow them to improve their positions.
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