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Chapter Four Findings
4.1 Introduction
4.1.1 The findings in this chapter are organised into sections which correspond to the objectives of the study, with the exception of findings for the first objective of the research, which are given in part two.
4.2 Views and aspirations of the Forum of Faiths and Scottish Interfaith Council in relation to inter faith work and multi faith engagement with government 37
4.2.1 Focus groups were convened separately from the FOF and the SIFC. The same set of questions was asked of each group (Annex 2).
4.2.2 The FOF was brought together by Glasgow City Council, post the events of 11 th September 2001, with the specific remit of helping to develop mutual understanding and dialogue between faith communities in the city. The City Council had, for some time prior to September 2001, wanted to engage with minority ethnic communities and decided to extend this to also include issues of faith.
4.2.3 The SIFC regard their role as helping smaller groupings to have their voices heard as well as providing a place where faith communities can share on an equal footing and work together when it is desirable. They are very clear that they do not represent faith communities, rather they represent their interests. They try to provide support and empowerment for faith communities to speak for themselves.
4.2.4 Both groups expressed the view that Glasgow City Council is really trying to relate to faith communities and wanted to acknowledge their efforts. In the words of one participant: "it is doing its damnedest!" (Buddhist participant)
4.2.5 They are aware, however, that good intention is not a substitute for effective engagement and there is a perception that the Council is not achieving sufficient engagement. For example, some members of the FOF felt that the Council could do more to publicise their policies at local level and to publish material in languages accessible to those who do not understand English. They pointed out that the older leaders of some faith communities associated with large minority ethnic groups often do not speak English, or do not speak it well. The researchers found some evidence to support this assertion in the process of conducting the faith focus groups.
4.2.6 The vision of the two groups for inter faith work in Glasgow converged significantly. It included a desire that:
- faith communities would develop an understanding of and respect for one another
- religious leaders would come together to have a stronger voice when it was needed
- faith communities would work together and work with the differences
- faith communities would have the confidence to participate in civic life, by right
4.2.7 There was an apparent divergence of view over the issue of 'tolerance.' Some members of the FOF focus group wanted to see tolerance as a main theme in the vision for inter faith work. Some members of the SIFC focus group felt that tolerance does not go far enough. They would like communities to work towards an acceptance of one another.
4.2.8 A specific, and strongly supported, dream within the SIFC focus group was the creation of a 'Dialogue Centre,' the first in Scotland, where all the diversity of Scotland could be celebrated and regular dialogue meetings could take place in a safe neutral environment. There was a hope expressed also that it could become a place where educational materials and training courses might be developed. The SIFC focus group members recognised that there were a number of problems with this vision, not least the issues of finance and of sustainability by faith communities beyond the 'enthusiastic few' who are committed to inter faith work in each tradition.
4.2.9 The focus groups identified a number of significant barriers to inter faith work in the city:
a. There are no leaders with an overview of inter faith work and able to take a leadership role in it
b. Lack of vision for the development of the work
c. There is a perception that some of the leaders of minority ethnic communities are at least reluctant about, and possibly opposed, to inter faith work because they want their communities to be cohesive and believe that inter faith relationships may not lead in that direction
d. There are problems of communication with faith communities who have no overall leadership structure, e.g. the Muslim and Sikh communities
e. Inter faith work is not seen as a priority in faith communities
f. There is some continuing suspicion and mistrust of one another
g. There are virtually no 'ground level structures' to facilitate inter faith relationships
h. There is no established pattern of contact at local level in most areas of the city
i. Issues concerning language limit participation
j. Smaller or newer faith groups may feel marginalised
4.2.10 In the course of other focus group conversations, the researchers found some evidence which confirms all of these barriers. Faith communities appear to live largely in parallel groups and it is demanding to ask them to engage with others.
4.2.11 Both groups voiced concern that representatives of the Muslim community appointed to their organisations had attended meetings on an infrequent basis. The perception of one participant in the FOF was that the Muslim community were more interested in issues of race than in issues of faith. The SIFC focus group noted that the Muslim community appear to be better at engaging at informal levels and that young Muslims are particularly keen to engage. The researchers sensed a genuine desire, on the part of both groups, that the Muslim community would be fully included in discussions and events.
4.3 Current levels of engagement between government and faith groups in Glasgow 38
4.3.1 The short time frame of this study did not allow for a systematic evaluation of levels of current engagement, which would have required the development and application of an instrument of measurement. The researchers did, however, form perceptions of the current levels of engagement through the faith focus group conversations and interviews and by a comparison of that information with the information collected in the focus group for GCC Officials.
4.3.2 All the faith communities, with the exception of the one Buddhist tradition and the Jehovah's Witnesses, have ongoing interaction with Glasgow City Council about some or all of the following issues:
a. Social action on poverty, disadvantage, drugs, or asylum needs
b. Event funding
c. Council tax
d. Educational matters including schools and diversity education for school groups
e. Building, rental or provision and planning permission
f. Bereavement services
g. Health and Community care services
h. Culture and leisure services
4.3.3 The focus group of GCC Officials noted that the level of engagement varies by faith group. Their perception was that it depends upon the level of organisation and resources in the faith group, as well as their trust in the Council. Some participants acknowledged that, on the whole, their departments tended to engage with the most articulate and most organised faith groups.
4.3.4 Information coming from faith focus groups supports this perception. The researchers found that there is a wide disparity in the ability of different faith communities to engage with local government and in their knowledge of what it does and provides.
4.3.5 Some groups, for example, the Jewish community, are well organised, highly skilled, and knowledgeable. Others, including some of the Buddhist, Christian, Hindu and Sikh communities are simply bemused about where to start in approaching the City Council. They reported experiencing what is effectively poor customer care and frustration in being passed from department to department without knowing to whom they should be speaking about particular issues. This experience of confusion and frustration was not limited to faith communities with large minority ethnic membership and/ or language competence issues, but was apparent also among well educated Scots and other Europeans.
4.3.6 There was also a reported variation in the level of knowledge and skill for engaging with government within faith communities. In general those with specific roles or responsibilities which required them to engage with government were much more familiar with government's role and more skilled in engaging them than the majority of the ordinary membership. But even such leaders reported frustration and confusion over accessing Council services or information.
4.3.7 Local Councillors were seen to provide some information for some communities but the quality of help varied from councillor to councillor.
4.3.8 The perception in some groups was that no-one co-ordinates information within the Council, so that even councillors did not know where to access specific information of use to faith groups.
4.3.9 A number of focus group participants and interviewees expressed the hope that an 'Inter Faith Liaison Officer' would help them to access sources of information and assistance in the City Council. Others raised concerns about the religious affiliation of this person and his/her ability to really interact with all faith communities. There was a suggestion that the Inter Faith Liaison Officer post should be a 'job share' with two people of different faiths and perhaps different genders, working in co-operation.
4.4 Levels of interest by faith groups to engage with government 39
4.4.1 Most focus groups in the study expressed a high level of interest in relationship with the government, especially the City Council. In general they felt that it was very important. Other comments included: "we need to be informed" (Sikh man); "they are our service providers" (Muslim woman); "dialogue is essential" (Jewish man); and "it is important to be an integral part of any city to which one belongs" (Baha'i woman).
4.4.2 The exceptions were the Jehovah's Witnesses and some, but not all, of the Buddhist community. The Jehovah's Witnesses do not tend to see themselves relating to government as a 'faith group,' but rather as individual citizens, though they do lobby on specific issues, e.g. medical policy. For them, therefore, relation to government is "not so important." An interviewee from the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order also seemed unsure about how important the relationship should be. There was a sense throughout various Buddhist contributions in focus groups and interviews that Buddhists tend to see themselves as individuals rather than a 'community' and that, therefore, the notion of relationship as body to government is less pronounced. The Tibetan Buddhist tradition, however, does have an appointee whose role is to relate with government.
4.4.3 Two Christian groups, the Salvation Army and the Free Church, have an historic reticence about engaging with the workings of any state.
4.4.4 Some of the participants, most notably a number from Christian groupings, especially the smaller independent churches, the Sikh community, and the Jehovah's Witnesses wanted the Council to realise what a resource they have in faith groups. They were anxious that the City Council recognise that faith groups, because of their beliefs, want to work for the betterment of society and that they have substantial resources of personnel with which to do it. For example, one of the small Christian churches, working in one of the disadvantaged areas of the city explained that they had 160 university student members, able to offer 'proto-professional services,' 40 who were willing to volunteer their time and skills in social action projects, but the church found their efforts hampered by regulations and lack of information.
4.4.5 Several participants from different faith communities expressed the view that, while they were eager to relate to GCC, they would consider not communicating with or relating with the Council if what they were being asked to do, or to be involved in, was in contradiction to their beliefs. An example of this would be participation in any situation or event which might be perceived as condoning or supporting homosexuality.
4.5 Motivations for faith groups to engage with government 41
4.5.1 Focus group participants and interviewees identified a wide range of motivations for engagement with government. They reported that faith communities:
a. want equal rights as part of civic society
b. desire the possibility to contribute to or to influence policy development
c. need services which are culturally and religiously appropriate
d. require access to funds for social services and community care
e. recognise that the Council are an important service provider
4.5.2 A strong motivation for some of the smaller faith groups was an anxiety to demonstrate that they want to play an active part in city life.
4.5.3 Among the motivations reported, the desire to influence policy decisions and the need for culturally and religiously appropriate services was very strongly and consistently voiced.
4.5.4 The focus group of GCC officials identified key motivations for Council engagement with faith groups: the fact that they are clients, they have social inclusion needs, they have social service needs and there is pressure from them for recognition. In addition, this group identified a desire to encourage a multiplicity of cultures and prepare for the future, as motivators for their own engagement with faith communities.
4.6 Barriers to faith groups engaging with government 42
4.6.1 Participants were very vocal on the subject of barriers which prevent them from engaging, or engaging more fruitfully, with government.
4.6.2 Lack of knowledge on the part of faith communities
4.6.2.1 There was a significant lack of knowledge reported by many participants about Council policies and services and about how to access City Council departments.
"I suppose my experience of the Council is that they can be a bit baffling to try and kind of find out who to contact about things" (Buddhist woman)
4.6.2.2 Several faith focus groups wanted the Council to put more resources into advertising and promoting their policies and services. In effect what is being sought is a 'top down' approach, with the Council in a more proactive role towards faith groups.
4.6.2.3 The focus groups made clear that careful consideration needed to be given to the most effective means by which information was made available, because faith communities have very different structures and networks. For example, it is generally thought that communication via the Mosques is the best means of contacting the Muslim community.
4.6.2.4 Some Muslim women, however, reported that the weekly newsletter in many Mosques is available to the men, who did not necessarily bring it home. They reported that a more effective means of communicating with them is by displaying posters on community or women's centre's notice boards.
4.6.2.5 A number of groups expressed the hope that a new 'Inter Faith Liaison Officer' would act as a channel of information and communication between them and the Council.
4.6.3 Lack of understanding and training on the part of Council staff
4.6.3.1 There was a strong and repeated claim from a number of faith focus groups and interviewees that GCC staff are lacking in knowledge and therefore insensitive to the religious and cultural needs of the communities.
4.6.3.2 One small but graphic illustration was provided by the Hindu focus group who told of a snack van selling meat burgers and other fast foods, which they said was positioned "directly outside the Temple." They reported that when approached, Council staff seemed to assume that the community were complaining about the smell from the van. The focus group members perceived that the GCC staff involved did not understand that for the Hindu community, which is religiously committed to vegetarianism and respect for all life including plant life; the offence was to do with the proximity of meat products to their Holy Shrine.
4.6.3.3 Many participants insisted that Council staff need more training and more accurate information about the religious and cultural needs of citizens. The faith communities themselves would be willing to assist both in training and in the development of information materials.
4.6.3.4 Some focus group members also reported encountering "wariness," "suspicion," and "standoffishness" on the part of Council officials.
4.6.3.5 The focus group for GCC officials observed that one of the barriers on their part to engaging with faith groups is that they had trouble identifying them and did not actually know that some groups existed in Glasgow.
4.6.3.6 This was illustrated at Scottish Parliament level in a story recounted by the Sikh focus group. According to members of the focus group, the Sikh community in Scotland was not formally invited to the opening of the new parliament in October 2004. 43 When a senior member of the Glasgow community challenged the oversight, he was apparently told that staff had not known that they existed. 44
4.6.4 Perceived 'tokenism' about involvement in decision making
4.6.4.1 There was a strong feeling in many groups that there is a type of tokenism in the way faith communities are brought into City Council decision making consultations. Their sense was that it is usually done at a late stage, when decisions appear already to have been taken. For example, a participant from a Christian group, with expertise in dealing with homelessness, described being brought into a GCC consultation on the issue at a late stage when key decisions with regard to policy had already been taken. Some of those decisions seemed to the person to be less than helpful and made a constructive contribution to the rest of the consultation difficult to achieve.
4.6.4.2 This claim was underlined by a participant in one of the multi faith focus groups who had worked for an outreach department in GCC. The person, in response to a question unrelated to tokenism, described the outreach from the Council to faith communities as "token" and done "to be seen to be doing the right thing."
4.6.5 Ignoring difference in the name of equality of treatment
4.6.5.1 A number of faith focus groups especially, but not exclusively, those of minority ethnic backgrounds perceived that GCC is trying to "flatten out all distinctiveness to give the impression that it is being fair."
4.6.5.2 One reported difficulty is the tendency among Council staff to concentrate on race rather than religion or culture. 45 This has resulted in people perceiving that they are being treated as a generic form of 'Asian' and as if they all had the same needs, when in fact religiously needs vary significantly, e.g., between Muslim and Hindu communities in terms of diet, dress, and prayer requirements.
4.6.5.3 Two Christian leaders described having been told by different Council officials that the Council "has an agenda and you are not part of it." (Christian Minister) There was a perception among Christian focus group members and interviewees that the Council was trying to sideline Christian groups in order to focus more on minority ethnic groups, and that this was a racial, rather than religious, agenda.
4.6.5.4 While they expressed happiness that minority ethnic religious groups were becoming better integrated and their needs better catered for in the city, they pointed out that at times this movement has lead to significant distortion of the representation of differences. For example, religious groups with less than 300 adherents in the city were a getting the same number of places on some boards as the Christian community, which has thousands of members across a wide range of differing denominations and traditions.
4.6.6 Limitations concerned with language
4.6.6.1 Lack of language competence in English prevents some members of minority ethnic groups from participating easily in events. This is more true for older people and women than for men and young people across a range of faith groups.
4.6.6.2 As noted elsewhere in this report some of the religious leadership of minority ethnic groups do not speak/read English, or do not speak/read it well. 46 This has implications for their effective involvement in dialogue and city events.
4.6.6.3 A number of focus groups and interviewees perceived a poor provision of information in languages other than English. The difficulty encountered in this study, which did not initially provide copies of the questionnaire in Hindi, illustrates this point. The response of the Hindu focus group was that "this is typical of Glasgow City Council; they provide everything in Urdu and Punjabi as if people only speak these languages." (Hindu woman) 47
4.6.7 The perception that expressed faith and access to funding are incompatible
4.6.7.1 There is a widespread perception among participants in this study that acknowledging that a group comes from a faith perspective will prevent them from being granted funding by the City Council.
4.6.7.2 This was further amplified by some Christian and Muslim participants who on a number of occasions perceived from the reactions of Council staff that they feared that religious groups will try to "impose their faith." The result is that the participants feel bound to keep quiet about that which is the central motivation for their life and social action. Moreover, they report that they have to enter into "spurious partnerships" (Christian Minister) with other organisations in order to access grants.
4.7 Policy areas or local issues of interest to various faith groups 48
4.7.1 Policy areas
4.7.1.1 The researchers asked participants to name policy areas which were important to them. A selected list of policy areas reported as important to faith communities includes:
4.7.1.2 Training and accurate information for Council staff about faith communities
4.7.1.2.1 This was one of the key barriers to the relationship of faith groups with GCC. Participants from a range of faiths expressed a strong desire that the Council would put in place a policy that would ensure proper training of all staff in issues of religious and cultural, and not just racial, difference.
4.7.1.3 Religious discrimination, Islamophobia, Anti-Semitism and Sectarianism
4.7.1.3.1 Participants from 5 of the 7 faith community focus groups and one of the inter faith networking groups wanted more recognition of the diverse nature of religious discrimination in the city. They wanted both policies and action to tackle all of its manifestations.
4.7.1.3.2 This was particularly well articulated in the SIFC focus group. One Christian participant expressed frustration that all religious intolerance and discrimination in the city seemed to be put under the heading of 'sectarianism.' The person claimed that whilst the problems of sectarianism are still "quite high," that this should not be allowed to eclipse everything else.
4.7.1.4 Culture and Leisure provision
4.7.1.4.1 Some participants from minority ethnic faith communities expressed a desire for a policy of "positive discrimination" (Hindu woman) with regard to the specific religious and cultural needs of their communities, so that all citizens can enjoy the facilities offered by the City. 49 They cited the example of the need for special swimming sessions for women from minority ethnic traditions in pools which are enclosed by blinds or walls. They pointed out that sometimes these sessions were available but the pool attendants on duty were males. Such sessions, they insisted, must be staffed by female attendants.
4.7.1.5 Social services and community care
4.7.1.5.1 Focus groups reported that the provision of religiously and culturally sensitive services is crucial to their uptake, especially by minority ethnic religious groups. There was a strong and repeated call for the Council to take seriously the religious needs of different faith groups and to develop and enforce a policy of religiously sensitive provision across all of its services. Of particular concern were the rules concerning segregation of, and the interaction between, males and females in some traditions.
4.7.1.6 Young people's education and schools
4.7.1.6.1 There was a widely shared concern from many participants across the range of faith groups that the moral education of children - as opposed to the religious education - was being neglected in state schools in an effort to achieve the equality of all. This was particularly, but not exclusively, related to teaching about sexuality and homosexuality. Some participants expressed a desire that the Council should develop a policy of teaching core moral values in state schools.
4.7.1.6.2 The issue of lack of moral education was expressed as a particularly pressing concern for the Muslim and Hindu communities. One focus group participant from the Muslim community described the lack, or laxness, of moral education in state schools as making it difficult, even for their community, which has a strong ethos, to keep their young people from falling into delinquency and anti social behaviour. The person noted that many Muslims prefer to send their daughters to Roman Catholic schools because they perceive that these establishments are serious about their religious, moral commitment.
4.7.1.7 Language provision and translation
4.7.1.7.1 A number of participants from a variety of faiths want the Council to make it a matter of policy to use a more extensive range of languages, including for example Hindi, in the production of their literature.
4.7.1.7.2 Since language is one of the elements which transmits cultural identity and heritage such a policy would support the efforts of minority ethnic communities to maintain their distinctive identities while participating in the life of the city to an ever greater extent.
4.7.2 Local Issues
4.7.2.1 The researchers asked faith communities to identify specific and pressing needs with which Glasgow City Council might be able to assist them. There was a significant convergence of issues across a number of faith focus groups.
4.7.2.2 Dietary provision
4.7.2.2.1 The provision in hospitals and schools etc., and at City Council events, of religiously and culturally appropriate food was a repeated concern. There was an acknowledgment that the Council did try to provide some variety of food but several people, from different faith traditions, complained that Hallal menus seemed to predominate.
4.7.2.2.2 For sick people in hospital, especially older members of minority ethnic communities, not to be able to eat without breaking their religious laws was adding further trauma to an already difficult experience.
4.7.2.2.3 The Jewish focus group pointed out that Kosher food always meets the requirements of Hallal preparation but not vice versa, yet Hallal menus are the most prevalent in Council facilities. Members of the Hindu focus group said that few people appear to know that Hindus as well as being vegetarian cannot eat onions or garlic. They noted that sometimes vegetarian food is served on the same plate as meat dishes at events.
4.7.2.2.4 Participants from the Jewish community asked that where possible, and especially at Council events, throw away paper and plastic plates and knives/forks should be used to meet Jewish religious requirements.
4.7.2.3 Security
4.7.2.3.1 The need for security was reported as an issue by the Jewish focus group in particular. The changes in the situation regarding Israel/Palestine, it was said, had resulted in a perceptible increase in anti-Jewishness in the Glasgow area. 50 They observed that people make no distinction between support for Israel and support for the Jewish people. They have had to employ guards to protect their schools. Focus group participants described the situation as being aggravated by continuing hostile letters on the letters page of The Herald.
4.7.2.4 Time off from work by right to celebrate religious festivals other than Christmas
4.7.2.4.1 Members of faith communities whose major religious festivals are at times other than Christian ones described being forced to take statutory public holidays which they did not, necessarily, want. They were then faced with trying to get time off work at other times of the year for their festivals. This was not always possible, it was hard to negotiate and it used up annual leave.
4.7.2.4.2 A range of participants expressed a wish that the Council could assist with awareness of, and action about, this issue among employers in the GCC area.
4.7.2.5 Bereavement Services:
4.7.2.5.1 Religiously and culturally sensitive provision in bereavement was reported as an issue for participants from at least one faith group. There are specific religious requirements about how long some faith groups, for example the Jewish community, can delay before burying their dead. Getting access to cemeteries on Sundays or during public holidays (which often coincide with Christian festivals) can be very difficult. Moreover, they reported that making special arrangements for access was costing the community a disproportionately large amount of money.
4.7.2.5.2 A further pressure on the Jewish community in terms of bereavement issues was the state requirement for post mortem examinations in some cases. This violates religious tradition concerning the integrity of a body. Jewish participants described having had to make special arrangements for post mortems and to ensure that all body parts are returned for burial. They added that they are investigating a new type of scanner which can produce the type of information collected during a post-mortem but without a need to violate the body.
4.7.2.5.3 Participants in the focus group for GCC Officials recounted efforts made by the Bereavement Services department to be more sensitive and responsive to the particular needs of different faith groups. They described initiatives to provide different types of bereavement services, which have evoked mixed responses. For example, an inter faith bereavement service was poorly attended, while a subsequent bereavement carol service attracted more response, although those attending were believed to be largely of Christian faith.
4.7.2.6 Council tax
4.7.2.6.1 One of the aspects of the City Council's work that almost every participant could identify was Council tax. It was described as a particular problem for small faith groupings which have rented Council flats for worship and are faced with paying tax on that residence even though their members were also paying Council taxes elsewhere. It was said to be placing a huge strain on what are often very limited financial resources.
4.7.2.7 Financial support for diversity education for school children
4.7.2.7.1 Participants from the Hindu Temple and one of the Sikh Gurdwaras reported being asked by schools to provide guided visits to their centres and talks on their faith. They said that they are happy to undertake these tasks and believe that it helps with diversity education in the city. The Hindu Temple estimated that they have given tours to approximately 15,000 school children. 51 Neither the Temple nor the Gurdwara, however, have paid staff so they have to rely on volunteers. They described this as placing a burden on their resources. Financial support for such work would mean that they could pay staff to specialise in giving educational tours and preparing material for young people.
4.7.2.8 Buildings for worship and community centres
4.7.2.8.1 A proportion of faith groups studied were in need of new buildings for worship or as community facilities. This is especially true of some of the smaller or newer Christian groupings. Some are meeting in school halls or in tiny flats that have been rented to them by the City Council.
4.7.2.8.2 Some of the larger or more established churches and the City Council appeared to have properties which are vacant or under used. Some participants wondered if there was scope for a better distribution of property to meet every group's needs.
4.7.2.9 Parking
4.7.2.9.1 Parking was reported as an issue for a number of places of worship. This was particularly true for the Jewish and Hindu communities. At a minimum they wanted a dedicated parking place for the person conducting worship on their holy days.
4.7.2.10 Multi occupancy law
4.7.2.10.1 An issue, which is to the fore especially for the Buddhist community, and which may be beyond the remit of the City Council but is nonetheless a problem is the restrictive effect of multi-occupancy legislation. A Buddhist interviewee described their desire to set up communities of people who live together. The problem is that having less than five people in a community residence means that it is not viable and making legal provision for more is too costly at present.
4.8 Perceptions, attitudes and behaviour related to the wider community and community events 52
4.8.1 Perceived tokenism in relation to the decision making processes of the Council was reported as leading to a sense of at least undervaluing in, if not marginalisation from, city life in a number of faith groups. This combined with the experience that Council staff were sometimes very suspicious of religious groups has, according to some focus group participants, made social inclusion more difficult than it need be.
4.8.2 All focus groups were agreed in a perception that society was becoming more and more secular and that therefore people in general knew very little about faith groups and did not really care. Some focus group participants felt that the UK government and the Scottish Executive are pursuing a secularising agenda in the name of equality for all.
4.8.3 The young people's group described attitudes to religion among their peers as dismissive. They suggested that since most people did not understand what motivated those who have faith, they were suspicious of anyone who was serious about their religion.
4.8.4 The majority of Christian participants felt that the public in Glasgow would know very little about Christian beliefs. Most Christian participants believed that Christians, by which they meant people who practised their faith rather than those who tick census boxes, are now a minority in Glasgow. One Christian group judged the threat from secularism to faith groups to be a bigger challenge than the threat from living in a multi faith society.
4.8.5 Most focus groups indicated that they invited GCC members and the general public to their events and celebrations, when possible.
4.9 Perceptions, attitudes and behaviours related to inter faith work and religious tolerance 53
4.9.1 Inter faith work
4.9.1.1 The Hindu, Jewish, Baha'i, Buddhist, Muslim and Sikh focus groups and interviewees described themselves as both open to and actively engaged in inter faith activities. The level of actual engagement varied. The Baha'i community and some of the Christian community reported their members as intensively involved in many activities. The Muslim community focus group described their tradition as "not proactive" (Muslim woman) in this regard.
4.9.1.2 Some members of Christian focus groups and interviewees expressed reluctance to engage in inter faith relationships. Members of smaller or more evangelically orientated Christian groups made a distinction between shared worship, which they could not enter into, and shared social action in a local area in which they would be glad to be involved.
4.9.1.3 One small Christian group regarded other faiths as influenced by "demonic forces" and would relate only on the basis of bringing them to the "truth."
4.9.1.4 The more established Christian denominations 54 described formal church interaction with other faiths as "polite and business-like," (Christian minister) but it became clear in conversation with them that they had few contacts and little real engagement with other faiths at local level.
4.9.1.5 Much Christian energy was described as still directed to improving what they call 'ecumenical relationships' by which they mean intra-Christian relationships.
4.9.1.6 Some Christian leaders reported encounters in a Glasgow University during Fresher's Week with Muslim community members who regarded them as "Satan" (Christian minister).
4.10 Religious tolerance
4.10.1 The state of religious tolerance in the city was described by both focus group participants and the GCC officials as at best 'average' and at worst 'poor.'
4.10.2 Most participants recognised that there is significant Islamophobia and anti-Jewishness in the city, as well as the much publicised sectarian problems between Protestant and Catholic Christians.
4.10.3 One participant in the focus group for GCC officials noted that any assumption that faith groups relate well was false, and observed that there was often more intolerance between them than between faith groups and the general population. The person added that there were also intra religious tensions for most faith groups.
4.10.4 Faith groups, especially the Muslim, Sikh and Hindu focus groups reported that the situation in the city had deteriorated sharply since the terrorist attack on the World Trade Centre in 2001. One participant who has lived in the city for many years said "9/11 shook Glasgow" (Muslim man).
4.10.5 A number of participants described abuse as having become more widespread and having taken a more overtly religious or terror related, rather than racial, tone. One young Muslim man noted that it had changed from "Paki this and Paki that" to "you are a terrorist." Muslim focus group members reported an increase in physical attacks on Muslim women who are identifiable by their Hijab.
4.10.6 They noted that since September 2001 Asians who had once been content to be 'Asian' were differentiating themselves into 'Hindu' or 'Sikh,' but not Asian. In the opinion of one participant this was good:
"this is good because now Muslims are standing up and saying I am proud to be a Muslim" (Young Muslim woman).
4.10.7 The Sikh focus group noted that the inability of people to distinguish between Sikh and Muslim men has led to many more attacks on Sikhs since 9/11.
4.10.8 The Muslim community were thought by every group to be most under pressure in the city. The Jewish, Sikh and Hindu communities were also regarded as being under various types of pressure.
4.10.9 A number of focus groups and interviewees explained that it tended to be distinctive cultural markers, or obvious signs of religious observance, that attracted most discrimination or abuse. Those who are identifiable by dress or other religious and cultural markers, e.g., beards, and this included members of the Sikh, Buddhist, Muslim and Jewish communities as well as members of the Church of Jesus Christ and the Latter Day Saints, reported suffering from direct verbal and physical abuse.
4.10.10 Fear of abuse and the need to 'fit in' was described by a few participants as leading some young people in the smaller faith communities, e.g. Sikhs, to abandon their religious dress, and often their religion, in favour of being more comfortably integrated into society.
4.10.11 The Muslim focus group, on the other hand, reported a double movement under the threat of abuse. Some members have stopped wearing religiously identifiable signs, but others, they observed, have consciously started wearing them. They perceive the logic to be puzzlement and anger about why their community has been singled out for attack which has either frightened them or made them more conscious of, and active in, their religious and cultural belonging.
4.10.12 One positive effect of the rise in abuse and attacks, described by the Muslim focus group, was the fact that it has raised the curiosity of local people towards their faith and community. People have approached them and sought to find out more about who they are and what they believe.
4.10.13 One of the Christian community participants described how her children had also suffered harassment in schools for being openly Christian. It was reported that they received little help from teachers, which contrasted markedly with the efforts being made, in the same school, to accommodate Muslim prayer requirements. A number of Christian participants from different traditions expressed a sense that they were being "left to fend for themselves" (Christian lay leader) now that the weight of attention has moved towards the minority ethnic communities. They were glad that these communities were being supported, but felt that they were no longer "getting a fair crack of the whip" (Christian minister) from the City Council.
4.11 Examples of good practice in inter faith work across the city or from elsewhere 55
4.11.1 There are a number of examples of projects or organisations which work in a positive and constructive way to promote relationship between faith groups. Their good practice can be a model for, or give ideas to, groups from other areas.
4.11.2 Inter faith work in Glasgow
4.11.2.1 Among the possible examples in Glasgow are a museum, a spiritual sharing and friendship group, and two chaplaincy units, one in a hospital, the other in a university. The other group which might have been added here and features in the Inter Faith Network UK Survey 56 is the FOF in Glasgow, but it has been described elsewhere in this report. 57
4.11.2.2 St Mungo's Museum of Religion, Life and Art
4.11.2.2.1 The museum explores the importance of religion in people's lives across the world and across time. Its aim is to promote understanding and respect between people of different faiths and none. The museum has 3 galleries. In the Gallery of Religious Art you can see the famous images like Christ of St John of The Cross by Salvador Dali and the figure of the Hindu god Shiva, Lord of the Dance, as well as beautiful stained glass windows depicting Christian saints and prophets. The Gallery of Religious Life explores the world's six main religions: Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism and Sikhism. It has an audiovisual presentation showing people of all religions talking about their faith. The Scottish Gallery presents the story of how religion has shaped the culture and beliefs of people in the West of Scotland from earliest times to the present. It contains the beautiful Sharing of Faiths Banner, which celebrates the multi faith city of Glasgow today. 58
4.11.2.2.2 The Museum has a varied programme of events, such as their 'meet your neighbour' initiative and exhibitions which promote inter faith understanding. It also assists other organisations by advising on events and lending exhibition material.
4.11.2.2.3 Its extraordinary collection could probably not be easily replicated. But this museum illustrates the potential for exhibitions of faith material, images, and history which could be gathered in other local centres.
4.11.2.3 Glasgow Sharing of Faiths Group
4.11.2.3.1 This group was started by a Church of Scotland Deaconess in the 1970s, and was the first focus of inter faith activity in the country. Taking place in the International Flat, it was an early and very active centre for dialogue and cooperation. It continues to meet monthly for reflection, sharing and friendship.
4.11.2.3.2 Such meetings for sharing and friendship can be easily organised in local areas and can contribute to the breaking down of barriers and myths between people of different faiths.
4.11.2.4 South Glasgow Spiritual Care
4.11.2.4.1 Every Health Board is required to have a spiritual care policy which should make provision for the needs of faith communities. The South Glasgow division of the Greater Glasgow Health Trust has been a model of good practice in terms of inter faith provision for some years.
4.11.2.4.2 The Southern General was the first hospital in Britain to produce a 'Religions and Cultures' manual, which lists relevant issues and contacts for the faith groups, so that wards can make contact directly without going through the chaplaincy. The document was compiled in consultation with the faith communities and is updated regularly.
4.11.2.4.3 The hospital has an inter faith room, with no obvious symbols exclusive to one religion, and is in fact, most often used by Muslim doctors for prayer. There are two part time Muslim chaplains on the hospital staff, and provision is made for the Jewish Sick Visiting Association, this includes giving them hospital identity badges.
4.11.2.4.4 There is an annual meeting, which allows dialogue between the hospital and representatives of faith communities on current developments, spiritual care, and other matters of common concern. There is also a Spiritual Care committee with representatives from each of the faith communities which meets more regularly.
4.11.2.4.5 The hospital organises regular staff training on issues to do with religion and culture, and regular opportunities for meditation and quietness. 59
4.11.2.4.6 This is a very large and well organised inter faith chaplaincy but their approach could be replicated in other smaller local healthcare situations such as nursing homes.
4.11.2.5 The University of Glasgow 60
4.11.2.5.1 The University is committed to various inter faith activities. They provide an inter faith prayer room, and are in the process of putting in adjoining washing facilities. The prayer room tries to be an inclusive, rather than a neutral, environment and, therefore, has symbols of all faiths. They also promote a bookmark which lists all of the main faith festivals.
4.11.2.5.2 There is an inter faith council and recently they had an inter faith service in the chapel to mark the Tsunami disaster, at which the Lord Provost was in attendance. With the support of St Mungo's Museum, they hope to have part of the "day in the life" exhibition in the chapel in 2005.
4.11.2.5.3 The University has good links with GCC and the Council funded an Anne Frank exhibition in the chapel, which attracted 2000 visitors.
4.11.2.5.4 This model for inter faith chaplaincy for young people could be replicated in smaller scale for other educational institutions.
4.12 Inter faith work in Scotland
4.12.1 Outside Glasgow there are other inter faith projects and organisations which highlight other dimensions of inter faith work, sometimes in very similar circumstances to the good practice examples from Glasgow.
4.12.1.1 Colloquy: The University of Edinburgh
4.12.1.1.1 Colloquy exists as a forum for conversation between people of different faith groups. The founders hope that in understanding more about each other's faiths, the group can co-operate in undertaking positive action in the city and beyond. Colloquy relies on respect despite disagreement. It does not exist to unite people behind the truth, but rather to learn more about how others of conscience undertake their search for it. Individuals must be open to listening and to contributing to Colloquy and this can involve asking questions of another's faith. Respect is crucial and no-one should be put under pressure to answer questions that may be discomforting. As agreement is not an aim, neither is compromise; but respect through understanding. 61
4.12.1.1.2 This chaplaincy group from Edinburgh focuses on dialogue, discussion, sharing experience of spiritual practice and visits to places of worship as a means of developing greater relationship and especially respect between people of different faiths.
4.12.1.2 Edinburgh Inter Faith Association ( EIFA)
4.12.1.2.1 The Edinburgh Inter Faith Association has an interesting way of working. They focus on organising events for the city rather than on a schedule of meetings which aim to promote dialogue or sharing between members. The committee comprises of one member from each of the faiths in the city: Baha'i; Brahma Kurnaris; Buddhist; Christian; Jewish; Hindu; Muslim; Pagan; Sikh; Unitarian. They make no attempt, therefore, to have a committee which is representative of the demographic situation in Edinburgh. The one Christian representative comes from the United Reformed Church, which is one of the smallest Christian denominations.
4.12.1.2.2 A recent major event which the EIFA organised was the visit of the Dalai Lama.
4.12.1.2.3 This format of single representatives of faith groups committed to putting together a varied schedule of events for a specific area could be replicated in many other local situations.
4.12.1.3 The University of Dundee
4.12.1.3.1 The chaplaincy of Dundee University is a place where much inter faith work takes place including discussion groups, lectures, faith sharing evenings, conference hosting, and evening talks preceded by worship. In terms of good practice it is most interesting for the information page on world religions which is posted on its website. 62 The page was produced co-operatively with the contribution of each faith community. The process of production was of equal, if not of more, importance than the finished product and helped to build up trust among the various faith groups in Dundee.
4.12.1.3.2 Work on a co-operative project which takes knowledge of different religion as its subject is an easily replicable task which could be undertaken at local level by any group.
4.12.1.4 Dumfries Inter Faith Group
4.12.1.4.1 The Dumfries Inter Faith Group is a relatively new. It was formed in 1998 at the initiative of the Baha'i Community. Present membership includes the Baha'i, the Quakers, and a number of Christian denominations. In the past there have also been members from the Buddhist and Pagan traditions. The aim of the group is to raise awareness of the diverse faith communities, and rich spiritual cultures in the region. They try to create "harmony" by stressing what the religions have in common: "emphasising the values and beliefs common and underlying all major world religions." Recently, they have forged links with the Dumfries and Galloway Council and were invited by the Council to hold a time of reflection in the Town Hall during the Council's 'Diversity week.' They have also held a celebration for world religion day, which was attended by the local MP and MSP, as well as people from the health trust. Lack of person power, however, has prevented them from putting on more ambitious events.
4.12.1.4.2 The unusual approach of this group is to stress the unity of religions rather than their diversity. They are a good example of a small under resourced group who have still managed, through relationship with their local authority, to make an impact at the town level.
4.13 Inter faith work elsewhere in Britain
4.13.1 North Lincolnshire Multi Faith Partnership
4.13.1.1 This partnership has been operating in a multi faith form since 2001. It is used as a consultative body by North Lincolnshire Council and other agencies. Its aim is to promote dialogue and respect as well as awareness of faith issues in the North Lincolnshire area.
4.13.1.2 The Multi Faith Partnership has formed a Community Safety Partnership, which, in 2004, was involved in setting up a reporting centre for 'hate crimes' in the North Lincolnshire area. 63 The Multi Faith Partnership meets in Council premises and receives a budget from the Strategic Partnership.
4.13.2 Leeds Faith Communities Liaison Forum
4.13.2.1 This is a forum for faith communities to enter into dialogue with government including the City Council and the Regional Chamber for Yorkshire and North Humberside. It focuses on issues of regeneration and faith based social action with a particular concern for social inclusion and religious discrimination. 64 It developed out of an original spiritual dialogue group 'Leeds Concord Interfaith Fellowship,' with which it works in partnership on some issues. Unlike the Concord, which has individual members, the Forum accepts only group membership. It has been involved in some very innovative work including the project which tested faith consultation methods for faith communities. 65
4.13.3 London Borough of Croydon
4.13.3.1 Following a 1998 study on Churches in the community in Croydon, the Borough worked with representatives of variety faith communities to encourage the development of social enterprises. Faith group participants were identified with the help of the local Standing Committee on Religious Education ( SACRE). In October 2001 a 'road show' of 3 minibuses and 38 people went to visit social enterprise schemes in a neighbouring area. After the visit, 6 areas of interest were identified. Subsequently, 4 new fair trade cafes were established, 15 existing social enterprises were further supported, and 8 jobs and 18 new learning opportunities created.
4.13.3.2 The social enterprise project focus became a means and context for faith groups to develop better relationships. A mechanism was also put in place to facilitate visits to places of worship and for deepening understanding of the different customs of each group. 66
4.14 Practical suggestions and projects proposed by participants
4.14.1 In the course of the focus groups and interviews several suggestions for potential projects or activities were made. These could become models of good practice in Glasgow, and for other areas in Scotland or elsewhere.
a. As already cited, the creation of a 'dialogue centre,' where diversity could be celebrated and regular religious and cultural dialogue meetings could take place in a safe neutral environment. It might also be a place where educational materials and training courses could be developed 67
b. A mobile unit or 'road show' on religious and racial tolerance and diversity education, which could tour schools and youth clubs
c. A dedicated 'multi faith' feature in the Metro newspaper. This could be educational as well as giving news and events
d. An online multi faith diary, giving details of events and festivals in Glasgow and elsewhere. It could be developed as a page on the GCC website.
e. An 'open day on religion' to be held in the Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre ( SECC) in Glasgow.
f. An annual 'celebrating diversity' parade in the city into which groups could enter floats. This could be a central part of a day of celebrating the diversity of Glasgow, with family entertainment, talks, and theatre productions etc.
g. A meeting for representatives from all the minority ethnic churches in Glasgow to reflect on issues of culture, identity and integration.
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