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CHAPTER TWO SITUATING 'YOUNG PEOPLE': LINKS BETWEEN
YOUNGER AND OLDER SECTIONS OF THE POPULATION
Chapter aims
This chapter addresses the following questions:
- To what extent are young people linked to other
sections of the population, both through household
structure and broader social contact?
- In particular, what is the nature and extent of
links between the youngest and the oldest sections of
the population?
- Are there differences in levels of adult contact
with 11 to 15 year-olds and 16 to 24 year-olds? And
what is the nature of the contact
between those groups?
Introduction
Before looking in any detail at adult perceptions of
young people and youth crime, this chapter considers
briefly the extent of contact that adults actually have
with young people There are two main reasons for doing
this. First, there is a widely-held hypothesis that
opportunities for inter-generational contact (and, in
particular, for contact between the youngest and oldest
sections of the population) are reducing as a result of
changes in the structure of families and communities. The
survey allows us to examine this issue to a limited extent
- though there is a pressing need for time-series data
here. Secondly, it seems reasonable to assume that the
level of contact that adults have with younger people will,
in some way, shape their views and perceptions of young
people in general.
Blurred lines: children, young people and young
adults
Although it is common to set up a clear distinction
between 'young people' and 'adults', two important points
are worth noting. First, there is usually a degree of
overlap between the two groups. For example, as the
SSA sample is based on adults aged 18
and over, it includes a sub-group (11% of the total) who
are themselves 'young people' according to the definition
outlined in the introduction.
Secondly, there is much less continuity of experience
among 11-24 year-olds than the blanket term 'young people'
might suggest. Most obviously, nearly all 11 to 15
year-olds will be living at home and attending school; many
of those between the ages of 16 and 24, of course, will
have left home and entered the worlds of employment, higher
or further education, or parenthood. Moreover, in terms of
youth crime and disorder, the issues will tend to be very
different for the two groups: for 11 to 15 year-olds, the
main concerns will tend to relate to vandalism and other
petty offending, often associated with 'hanging around the
streets'; for 16 to 24 year-olds, concern is more likely to
focus on late night drinking and disorder, and on more
serious forms of substance misuse and offending. Nor should
we assume that there is actually a great deal of contact
between these groups of 'younger young people' and 'older
young people' - a theme we return to below.
Households containing young people
Apart from those respondents who themselves are aged
under 25, a degree of inter-generational contact is, of
course, ensured by household structure. In other words, 25%
of all adults (aged 18 and over) share their household
either with someone aged 11 to 15 (11%) or aged 16 to 24
(17%).
Not surprisingly, however, such links are heavily
structured by age and life stage. For example, 27% of
respondents aged 35 to 44 currently live in a household
with an 11 to 15 year-old, compared with none of those
interviewed for the survey who were aged 65 and over.
Respondents who are themselves aged under 25 are more
likely than any other age group to live with other 16 to 24
year-olds (44%).
Figure 1 - Proportion of respondents with young
people resident in household

Contact with young people outside the
household
Apart from anyone they live with, respondents were asked
how often they would chat to or talk with anybody aged 11
to 15 and 16 to 24. Overall, the results suggest that most
adults would have reason to chat to or talk with young
people in both age groups at least once a month. Perhaps
not surprisingly, given the narrower age band, adults were
more likely to say that they would talk 'less often or
never' to 11 to 15 year-olds (42%) than to 16 to 24
year-olds (28%), though this may also reflect a genuine
difference in actual opportunities for contact (relating to
employment, for example).
Table 1 - How often talk to or chat with young
people outside the household
% | 11 - 15 year-olds | 16 - 24 year-olds |
|---|
Every day or almost every day | 21 | 35 |
|---|
At least once a week | 23 | 25 |
|---|
At least once a month | 13 | 12 |
|---|
Less often or never | 42 | 28 |
|---|
| | |
|---|
Sample size | 1637 | 1637 |
|---|
But while a reasonable proportion of adults say that
they would tend to have such contact with younger people
every day or almost every day, this group is matched by
those who say they would have such contact less than once a
month or never. Around 4 out of 10 adults fall into this
group in relation to 11 to 15 year-olds (42%), while 3 out
of 10 (28%) do so in relation to 16-24 year-olds.
Not surprisingly, perhaps, those aged 65 and over are
the group most likely to have little or no contact with
both 11 to 15 (55%) and 16 to 24 year olds (55%). But it
would be wrong to assume that the level of contact between
different age groupings is determined simply by proximity
in terms of age: a relatively high proportion of 18 to 24
year olds (39%) also have little or no contact with 11 to
15 year olds.
Figure 2- Proportion of respondents talking to
young people less often than once a month or
never

Of course, chatting to or talking with young people may
occur in the course of fleeting, everyday interactions (
e.g. at work, in shops, etc.) and may not
indicate strong or meaningful social links. A slightly
better indicator of this comes from a series of questions
about whether or not adults knew the young people in their
area 'well enough to speak to'.
Again, the results can be read both positively and
negatively. Over two-thirds say they know some or most of
the 11 to 24 year-olds in their area well enough to speak
to (72%). Around one in six (16%) know most of the 11 to 15
year olds well enough to speak to, while 18% say the same
of 16 to 24 year-olds. On the other hand, the proportion of
adults who know 'none' is significantly greater than the
proportion who know 'most or all' - 44% of adults say that
they know
none of the 11 to 15 year-olds in their area, and
39% that they known none of the 16 to 24 year-olds. If
inter-generational conflict is borne out of a lack of
contact, then this clearly leaves plenty of scope for it to
happen.
Figure 3- Proportion of respondents who know
young people in their area well enough to speak
to

The following table shows variations in contact by key
demographic variables. The key things to note here are
that:
- Men are more likely than women to know none of the
11 to 15 year-olds in their area well enough to speak
to - probably because they play a less significant role
in childcare.
- The youngest age group (18 to 24 year-olds) are no
more likely than the oldest (65 and over) to know most
of the 11 to 15 year-olds in their area. They are,
however, much more likely to know most of the young
people aged 16 to 24.
- Those sharing a household with someone aged 11 to
15 are more than twice as likely as those who do not to
know most of the young people in that age group.
Similarly, those sharing with a 16 to 24 year-old are
twice as likely to know most of the young people in
that age group.
- Those living in remote rural areas are much more
likely to indicate that they know most of the 11 to 15
year-olds
and the 16 to 24 year-olds in their area.
- There was no significant difference between
respondents living in areas of most and least
deprivation.
Table 2 - Proportion of respondents who know
young people in their area well enough to speak to, by
key variables
% | 11 to 15 year-olds | 16-24 year-olds | Sample size |
|---|
Knows
most well enough to speak
to | Knows
none well enough to speak
to | Knows
most well enough to speak
to | Knows
none well enough to speak
to |
|---|
All | 16 | 44 | 18 | 39 | 1637 |
|---|
Gender |
|---|
Male | 15 | 49 | 18 | 37 | 687 |
|---|
Female | 18 | 40 | 18 | 39 | 950 |
|---|
Age |
|---|
18-24 | 13 | 49 | 41 | 12 | 125 |
|---|
65+ | 15 | 54 | 10 | 52 | 408 |
|---|
Educational attainment |
|---|
Degree/Higher education | 15 | 47 | 15 | 36 | 456 |
|---|
None | 16 | 51 | 17 | 48 | 463 |
|---|
11 to 15 year-old in
household |
|---|
At least one | 39 | 7 | 25 | 24 | 161 |
|---|
None | 14 | 48 | 17 | 40 | 1476 |
|---|
16-24 year-old in
household |
|---|
At least one | 13 | 34 | 31 | 16 | 184 |
|---|
None | 17 | 46 | 15 | 43 | 1453 |
|---|
Urban/Rural classification |
|---|
Large urban | 12 | 52 | 13 | 46 | 557 |
|---|
Remote rural | 36 | 22 | 41 | 21 | 154 |
|---|
Note: Some categories not shown for reasons of space
Key points from this chapter
- 'Young people' and adults are not entirely distinct
groups - 11% of the (weighted)
SSA sample were themselves aged
between 18 and 24.
- Contact between different age groups is partly
structured by generational and family relationships -
those aged between 35 and 54 are most likely to be
parents and so are relatively more likely to share
their household with a young person.
- A sizeable minority of the adult population has
little or no social contact with young people. Four in
ten adults say they would talk to or chat with 11 to 15
year-olds less often than once a month or never, while
three in ten say the same of 16 to 24 year-olds.
- The difference between the oldest age group and
other sections of the adult population is more marked
in relation to 16 to 24 year-olds than in relation to
11 to 15 year-olds.
- Men are more likely than women to know none of the
11 to 15 year-olds in their area - probably because
they play a less significant role in childcare.
- Those living in remote rural areas are much more
likely to know most of the young people in their
area.
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