On this page:

EDUCATION MAINTENANCE ALLOWANCES (EMAS): ATTAINMENT OF NATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS IN THE SCOTTISH PILOTS: final report to the scottish executive

« Previous | Contents | Next »

Listen

SECTION 6: ISSUES ARISING FROM THE EVALUATION

Rising levels of participation and attainment of national qualifications

6.1 Since 1999/2000 levels of participation and attainment in national qualifications have risen throughout Scotland. Much of this increase can be attributed to the Higher Still reform of post-compulsory education in Scotland, which introduced a flexible system of national units and courses catering for all levels of ability.

6.2 These upward trends in participation and attainment in national qualifications occur in each of the EMA Pilot areas, and also in the control areas used for comparison. In addition, however, there is evidence that the EMA increased participation and attainment in the pilot areas, over and above the overall trends.

6.3 The new national qualifications were introduced by the Higher Still reform from 1999/2000. Throughout Scotland increases in participation and attainment occurred in the second and third years of national qualifications (ie 2001 and 2002), and this is true of the Phase 1 and Phase 2 Pilot areas also. Thus, the Phase 1 Pilot experienced an increase in participation and attainment in its second and third years, while the Phase 2 Pilots experienced a rising trend in the year before the EMA started, and also in the first year of the pilot. These rising trends are significantly greater in the pilot areas than in the control areas, suggesting that Higher Still and the EMA have been mutually reinforcing. It could be argued that both the provision of appropriate courses and the reduction of financial barriers have played a part in encouraging disadvantaged students to stay on in full-time education after S4 with subsequent improvements in attainment.

School versus college

6.4 National qualifications can be studied at schools and colleges, but the key difference is that schools tend to provide national courses whereas colleges tend to provide programmes that are made up of national units. The vast majority of young people who study national qualifications in the first and second years after S4 do so at school, and only a minority study full-time at college. In many areas schools and colleges collaborate in order to provide a wider range of subjects than would be possible in a single institution, and in these areas a student may take the majority of her/his courses at school together with a few units at college.

6.5 At the start of this evaluation it was hoped to examine the different effects of EMA on national qualifications taken at school and college. However, geographical and transport factors are very important in influencing whether young people can get to college, and consequently levels of participation varied between areas. There are also attainment differences arising mainly from the different curriculum focus of colleges compared with schools: students at college tend to study programmes of national units rather than national courses, and progression is often "horizontal" to include study of new vocational subjects compared with the "linear" progression within academic subjects that is most common in schools.

6.6 The Scottish Executive is committed to the development of more links between schools and colleges, and with the workplace, to create more vocationally oriented curricular options that it believes will motivate some young people. (Scottish Executive 2003). However, this option is not unproblematic, and some commentators argue that the provision of lower-level vocational qualifications for young people who are failing academically is not the way forward - modern economies depend more and more on general 'academic' skills, and it is these skills that are increasingly important for success in the labour market (Wolf 2001). A recent study of the effects of low attainment on outcomes at age 22/23 in Scotland finds that academic qualifications offer more protection against becoming unemployed, and they also have a more positive effect on occupational status, than do vocational qualifications (Howieson and Iannelli 2004).

6.7 The importance of appropriate guidance to ensure that young people make well-informed choices that are in their best long-term interests has been emphasised by a recent report of Her Majesties Inspectorate ( HMIE 2004).

6.8 If we take account of differences in college participation we find that attainment at school in the EMA pilot areas rose to a significantly greater extent than attainment at school in the control areas. In other words there is a very strong positive EMA effect on attainment at school. We have no evidence of an EMA effect at college.

6.9 The impact of EMA at college is an area that needs more research, because colleges often provide a second chance to young people who have not done well at school. However, in this study the analysis of national qualifications at college has been relatively limited because of data limitations. Practice with respect to the recording of entries to national qualifications differs markedly between schools and colleges, and in some cases leads to duplication of data. There are also some differences in funding arrangements in colleges which affect the timing of when entries for national qualifications are recorded. As a consequence, data relating to national qualifications taken in colleges is messier than that for schools, and we do not feel confident in drawing conclusions about differences in participation and attainment. We understand that SQA is in discussion with the institutions in order to establish a more comparable recording system.

The effects of disadvantage

6.10 This study confirms that young people from low-income households tend to have low attainment at school, and are less likely to participate in post-compulsory education. The links between low socio-economic status and low attainment are persistent, and have long-term consequences of young people's labour market outcomes. It is evident that ameliorating family poverty and deprivation, and thus challenging these persistent links is a key policy objective reflected, for example, in the Scottish Executive's Social Justice Strategy and in the National Priorities for Education (Scottish Executive 1999 and 2000).

6.11 Recent analyses of the Scottish School Leavers' Survey at age 22/23 show that young people with low attainment who leave school at the earliest opportunity are more likely to experience periods of NEET, whereas they are more likely to escape from low attainment if they stay on at school after age 16 (Howieson and Iannelli 2004). The work-based route to qualifications in Scotland (and indeed elsewhere in the UK) is less developed than in most other European countries ( OECD 1999), and although government-sponsored training through Skillseekers and modern apprenticeships offer better possibilities for gaining qualifications than are available through other employment, low-attaining young people are unlikely to gain places on such training schemes (Howieson et al 2000). Recent research has pointed to serious shortcomings with current government training, including issues of retention, completion and attainment (Canning 2000, Gallagher et al 2004).

6.12 In this context, policies such as EMA that encourage young people to continue their education become particularly important and offer longer-term benefits by improving young people's educational and labour market opportunities, thus reducing their risk of social exclusion.

6.13 The areas selected for piloting the EMA have concentrations of low- SES areas, and so most of the schools in the EMA samples have relatively disadvantaged catchments. Similarly, the control samples used for comparison were selected from schools with similar disadvantaged catchments from other parts of Scotland. Thus the evaluation of the EMA focuses on the experiences of young people in areas of Scotland with relatively low SES. That being the case, the overall positive impact is all the more noteworthy.

The effects of EMA

6.14 There is clear evidence from EMA pilots in Scotland, and also in England, that the EMA has led to increased levels of participation in post-compulsory education by young people with low SES (Croxford et al 2002, Middleton et al 2003).

6.15 The current study has found that the effect of the EMA pilots in Scotland has been to raise overall levels of entry to national qualifications, and also to raise entry to national qualifications by young people with low prior attainment. The increase attributable to EMA is over and above the increased participation arising from the Higher Still reforms.

6.16 These EMA effects on entry to national qualifications are found in the first post-compulsory year. The increase in participation in the second post-compulsory year did not differ significantly between the EMA pilots and the control areas.

6.17 A further effect of the EMA pilots in Scotland has been to raise overall levels of attainment in national qualifications, and also to raise levels of attainment in national qualifications by young people with low prior attainment. The increase attributable to EMA is over and above the increased attainment arising from the Higher Still reforms.

6.18 These findings refute the suggestions of some critics that the EMA could depress overall attainment because disruptive or unmotivated students might be encouraged to stay on at school just for the money. Far from depressing attainment, the EMA pilots have increased overall attainment to a significantly greater extent than the control areas. Case studies in the Phase 1 pilot demonstrated that disruptive pupils were unlikely to stay-on just because of the EMA because young people with negative attitudes to school wanted to leave at the first opportunity. On the other hand, those youngsters who received an EMA to allow them to stay on at school tended to be motivated to do so, and would have been prevented by lack of money.

6.19 The enhanced levels of attainment demonstrated by the EMA pilots may provide an indication that the Learning Agreements are successful in encouraging students to make progress towards their learning targets, as well as attending regularly. Thus, EMA can be said to be successful in supporting students in developing appropriate attitudes to course work and attendance, as well as reducing financial barriers to staying on.

« Previous | Contents | Next »

Page updated: Thursday, April 7, 2005