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CHAPTER FIVE: DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

5.1 Introduction

5.1.1 Schools involved in the study were asked to submit documentary material reflecting and illustrating their approach to race equality and diversity. Of the 24 schools which took part, 23 (96%) made contributions. Of these 8 were secondaries, 11 primaries and 4 were special schools.

5.1.2 The documentation received varied widely in quantity, in nature and coverage, and in the degree to which it focused on race equality and diversity issues. At one end of the spectrum, the paperwork submitted demonstrated a comprehensive effort to address the relevant issues across a broad range of school functions; at the other, a copy of the local authority's race equality policy, accompanied by little evidence of school-based applications was all that was received. In some cases, where a relatively large volume of material was made available, the location of relevant race equality items within it was either unclear or haphazard. In others, an understanding of mainstreaming principles and practice was clearly evident. The latter circumstance did not occur frequently. In a number of instances, schools indicated that they were in the process of reviewing policy and practice with a view to embedding race equality more fully across the range of their activities.

5.1.3 It is worth noting that in a few cases where the study team was aware that race equality policy and practice had been developed significantly, the documentation received did not reflect this situation. Whether this was in any way the result of work pressure, the assumption that the researchers already possessed the relevant information or, for instance, was due to the absence of key staff is unknown. It is also possible that some schools may have been reluctant to submit outdated material. The response of one school, that its limited contribution was due to the senior staff's view that it had already been 'over-researched', may be indicative of the fact that the key task is not to 'discover' good practice, but to support and broaden its application across a variety of circumstances.

5.1.4 Whichever limitations applied, the documentary evidence available (which was often difficult to obtain, requiring continual follow-up requests) provided a snapshot of the published perspectives of a range of schools in Scotland where minority ethnic pupils were present and where inclusive outlooks were thought likely to feature in the period 2001-2 ( see matching criteria, Chapter 1.3.1).

5.1.5 It is important to consider that although the evidence made available to the study team applied to the period prior to the full implementation of the RR(A)A2000 in Scotland on 30 November 2002, schools became responsible from that date for mainstreaming of local authority race equality policies in such areas as :

• Pupils' attainment, progress and assessment
• Curriculum, teaching and learning
• Promoting good home-school and school-community relations
• School values
• Pupil behaviour, discipline and exclusion
• Racial harassment and bullying
• School board membership
• Pupil enrolment and attendance
• Pupils' personal and social development and pastoral care

5.1.6 The results of the documentary analysis demonstrate a wide variety of approaches. The evidence available indicates that, with some notable exceptions, much remains to be done by schools to publish comprehensive outlines of their measures to address race equality as a key element of social inclusion. An attempt is made below to map out the range and depth of attention given to race equality as illustrated by the material received and to draw some provisional conclusions.

5.1.7 In the first instance the documentation is considered on a sector basis. Thematic issues are then discussed and, where appropriate, geographical factors are referred to.

5.2 The secondary sector

5.2.1 In the race equality and/or equal opportunities policy field, some schools submitted discrete school-generated examples. In a few cases, the statements themselves were comprehensive in coverage relating to such areas as aims and values, school organisation, curriculum design and content, home-school relations, bullying, discipline and behaviour and staff development. In these instances, documents also referred to the valuing and support of bilingualism and cultural diversity.

5.2.2 In the best examples of good practice, as reflected in policy documentation, race equality was linked directly to SEED's national priorities for education on the one hand and explicitly embedded in the school development process on the other.

5.2.3 More commonly, race equality was either encompassed within relatively brief equal opportunities statements, or, in a policy sense received no direct mention, for example,

In common with all (city) schools, (X High School) has a policy of Equal Opportunities. Equal Opportunities forms an integral part of the school ethos ... By now, the notion of Equal Opportunities is deeply embedded in the everyday running of the school.

5.2.4 Where race equality (or equal opportunity) policy coverage was limited, the evidence suggested that in some cases general statements of commitment could coincide with a lack of operationalisation, for example, in such areas of school organisation and ethos as bullying, uniform/clothing, language, rights and responsibilities. In a few anti-bullying documents racism, and other equality issues, are given explicit mention as factors to be considered in bullying behaviour. More commonly, race/ethnicity receives mention in the passing, but is not addressed discretely.

5.2.5 Where curricular exemplars were provided, they tended to be sourced mainly from RME and the social subjects/history areas, for instance, the Holocaust, the life of Dr Martin Luther King Jnr, Living in a Plural Society or descriptors of key religious faiths. One item on the sociobiology of race contained crude and outdated categorisations which are wholly inappropriate today.

5.2.6 Where reference was made to bilingual pupils, it tended to be inclusive and supportive, but details of approach and provision were sometimes unclear.

5.2.7 It may be that certain schools saw general statements about achieving and maintaining an inclusive ethos as subsuming within them a commitment to assuming a non-discriminatory environment, specifically in the field of race equality. In others, the minority, the existence of institutional racism was recognised and published position statements gave the impression of a dynamic, developmental rather than an 'add-on' approach to equality issues.

The school recognises the need for action to encourage a positive representation of disability, gender, race, sexuality and social class.

… through our personal and social development programme and behaviour policies we seek to ensure a strong anti-racist and non-sexist ethos.

Clearly such a perspective indicates much greater readiness to meet the requirements of the RR(A)A2000 than is the case where race equality remains marginal to the mainstream.

5.3 The primary sector

5.3.1 A significant number of participating primary schools made direct reference to race equality in general statements of aims and some had discrete and comprehensive policies. In some cases, however, documentation on translating policy into practice was less evident.

5.3.2 Where elements of good practice were evidenced in documents submitted they included the following features:

an understanding, acknowledgement and welcoming of ethnic diversity, specifically relating to good EAL provision

• the need to describe and address examples of racism in practice in relation to behaviour, attitudes, bullying and curriculum content
• the need to declare and develop a commitment to anti-racist practice in partnership with staff, pupils, parents and other community members
• an obligation to understand and apply the law in the various equality areas by embedding its provisions across the range of school functions

At X school we are committed to the promotion and development of equal opportunities … Our ideals are reflected not only in the ethos of the school, but also in direct teaching, where skills, attitudes and knowledge are developed to help children recognise prejudice and discrimination and the importance of (choosing) to respond appropriately as a member of an ordered, inclusive and multicultural society.

One school provided their multicultural/anti-racist education policy, supported by and articulated through linked policy/practice documents on RME, bullying, environmental studies, discipline, language, home-school relations and development planning. As an institution it is particularly well-prepared to meet the requirements of the RR(A)A2000.

In two schools in one authority, each with significant numbers of Muslim pupils, differing approaches were taken to religious observance. In one, a multi-faith assembly was employed while the other had separate Christian and Muslim assemblies with some provision made, in the latter, for secular non-participants.

As was the case in all sectors, racial incident and language monitoring tended to follow local authority guidelines.

In a number of cases it seemed that policy-practice has not been updated for some time (for example since local authority reorganisation in 1995-6) and this gave the impression of schools working in isolation or under significant pressure.

Where it was indicated that issues of race equality were addressed 'informally' through discussions in PSD and circle time, it was recognised by one headteacher that the school's approach needed to be more formalised.

A few schools, not all of them in areas of high minority ethnic participation, did realise the need for comprehensive and well-articulated statements and detailed guidelines on race equality; others appeared over-dependent on generalised aims of providing a caring, safe and appropriate environment for an undifferentiated 'all'.

The special educational needs sector

The impression given in the documentary evidence available from special schools was that managements are becoming more aware of the issue of race equality but that there remained a considerable task of developing policy and practice.

Where equal opportunity policy documents were in place they tended to be generic or (naturally) focused particularly on disability.

In the two cases where relatively extensive documentation was provided, the main commitments were made in general terms to equal opportunities and to cultural diversity with additional references to anti-racism through the local authority's policy and stance.

As in other sectors, the mainstreaming of race equality was not clearly evident.

However, in some cases managers indicated their awareness of the need to address race equality issues more fully and this will of course be a requirement under the RR(A)A2000.

5.5 Conclusions

5.5.1 It is fully recognised that documentary evidence provides only a relatively narrow-angled lens through which to view what is taking place in a complex institution like a school. Paper policies and commitments may understate or exaggerate actual practice. With this proviso the following tentative conclusions emerge.

5.5.2 On a continuum from a non-existent to a comprehensive and integrated system of multicultural and anti-racist education, the documentary evidence suggests that a significant proportion of the sample schools are in a position of providing partial and somewhat ad hoc provision in terms of multicultural and anti-racist practice. Certain schools have made significant progress and are continuing their development.

There are schools which have made impressive efforts to mainstream race equality and they deserve to be rewarded and supported. Their example provides a platform of good practice upon which they and others may build and progress towards meeting their duties under the RR(A)A 2000. Some of these schools are situated in areas of relatively high minority ethnic participation but others are not. This demonstrates that the capacity and the incentive to develop and to apply anti-racist perspectives is not dependent on the presence of high levels of minority ethnic people. It is likely that visionary and committed school leadership has been the main driver for developing the school's work in multicultural and anti-racist education. It is important that this is recognised and appreciated in Scotland where the aim is to achieve inclusive outcomes across the board.

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