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CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSION - Key findings and recommendations
This chapter draws together the key findings from all respondent groups under the research objectives.
9.1 Key factors relating to ethnic diversity which promote or restrict inclusion
9.1.1 Teacher understanding of how best to take forward race equality
All teachers interviewed wanted to do their best to support all pupils, including minority ethnic pupils. In particular, teachers felt they had worked hard over the years to develop a positive and inclusive school ethos. However, teachers were not unanimous on how to teach minority ethnic pupils fairly. Some felt the best way to achieve this was not to single out aspects of a child, such as their ethnicity or colour, but rather to concentrate on the personality and abilities of each child. Others disagreed and felt that to fully meet the needs of minority ethnic pupils, it was important to be conscious of all aspects of the child, that is their ethnicity, language, culture, faith, gender, class etc.
A considerable number of majority ethnic (white) teachers chose actively not to 'see' difference in terms of colour, religion or ethnicity, largely because they felt such markers were discriminatory and prevented them from valuing the child as an individual. Yet the very few visible minority ethnic staff interviewed talked about the importance of acknowledging difference, particularly in relation to faith, language and culture, which they saw as part of identity formation. Equally, minority ethnic pupils and parents wanted teachers to be more astute about diversity and to appreciate and acknowledge the spectrum they represented.
At present it would appear that practice relating to ethnic diversity and race-related matters is ad hoc and dependent on how a teacher interprets equality and fairness and understands racial constructs. Byrne (2000) suggests that to ignore racial markers, be that colour or ethnicity, is something white people can do but black people cannot. At the core is a tension between the ways in which difference is constructed, understood and reinforced alongside an imperative to assimilate. On the one hand, some minority ethnic pupils know that their colour, cultural norms, faith or language differ from their white peer groups, while on the other, they are compelled to adopt the behaviour and belief systems which more closely approximate those of white children.
If teachers are unable to work confidently with difference, the differences which are part of children's identity may well be neglected. Visible minority ethnic pupils themselves recognise that they are different, but, as they made clear, this difference only becomes relevant at certain times and in particular contexts. For example, some of these differences create negative reactions in the form of racial discrimination. Failure by a teacher to see all aspects of a child may therefore have the effect of rendering race-related issues as invisible. Invisibility of difference is a feature of exclusion.
9.1.2 Teacher confidence on race equality matters
Teacher confidence varied on race equality issues. However, the words of one headteacher summed up for many teachers how they felt about race equality issues.
I think there is a problem in society as a whole, but it doesn't touch my life personally.I would welcome staff development or some form of training because I feel a bit at sea ... because it's not something I've really thought much about before.Headteacher, Primary
Teachers with less confidence indicated a greater degree of anxiety about placing race equality issues firmly on the learning and teaching agenda. Those who were more confident drew from personal experiences. Examples cited included experience of life abroad, links with minority ethnic communities or personal experience of discrimination combined with a clear analysis of why social problems such as racism, poverty or discrimination occur. These teachers were more likely to be passionate and confident about recognising and valuing diversity and opposing discrimination.
Teachers who had worked in multiracial staff teams and settings all commented on the benefits of having done so and many felt they could not now move to schools where diversity was not the norm. They thought that they were assisted in their work by the composition of the school, and felt that predominantly white schools would have to make a much greater effort to promote an inclusive message. When asked how this could be achieved, they cited the need for an explicit multicultural and anti-racist education approach.
Teachers were divided about how to place race equality issues on the educational agenda. There were those who saw placing the issue of racism or race equality openly on the teaching agenda as difficult as this might create uncomfortable situations for minority ethnic young people. Some teachers felt that if racism was not evident, it was best not to place it on the agenda as this might in fact give rise to it.
Other teachers found that this was not the case and that young people, including minority ethnic young people, wanted to grapple with contemporary issues of identity, discrimination and inclusion. These teachers felt it was important that schools prepared young people for a diverse society and world equipped with the tools to recognise and challenge racism.
Teacher confidence and understanding of race matters affects whether minority ethnic pupils feel better included or unwittingly excluded.
9.1.3 The need for a more ethnically diverse teaching workforce
Many teachers wanted to see the Scottish teaching workforce become more diverse and multilingual as this would bring diversity issues 'alive' for pupils. Parents, too, saw an increase in the number of minority ethnic teachers to have the potential to send out positive messages to the whole school community and provide role models for minority ethnic pupils.
Pupils were keen to see more visible minority ethnic teachers and other members of staff employed in schools. Many pupils indicated that they were often 'the only ones' of their ethnic group in the school, or among just a few visible minority pupils. Some pupils thought that having more minority ethnic teachers would assist them to feel more comfortable and others felt minority ethnic teachers would better understand minority ethnic pupils as well as being role models.
While this study does not conclude that the lack of an ethnically diverse workforce excludes minority ethnic pupils, it is clear that some teachers and all parents and pupils interviewed wanted a more diverse workforce, believing that such diversity would affect the inclusion of minority ethnic pupils positively.
Their views are in agreement with past research which has shown that with more minority ethnic participation different perspectives are introduced, and that these reframe more traditional perceptions of issues such as citizenship, as well as ensuring that the distinct profiles of different ethnic groups and community cultures become more systematically acknowledged within schools (Gittens, 2000; Blair and Bourne, 1998).
9.1.4 Multiple identities, multiple discriminations
Teachers acknowledged the complexities of dealing with a range of equality issues. They were, however, less aware of how multiple discrimination might affect pupils who are, for example, from a minority ethnic group but also face poverty, or the minority ethnic pupil with SEN.
The case study of the pupil Q with a learning disability raises a number of questions about notions of 'educational success' as it relates to minority ethnic disabled children with SEN. How do schools give due regard to a pupil's disabilities as well as issues of culture, ethnicity, faith and language? How are pupils like Q actively involved in decisions about setting their educational goals and in evaluating their achievement?
For visible minority ethnic disabled pupils, an approach with a dominant focus on disability is likely to silence the ethnicity-related aspects of Q's situation. However, a focus on Q's ethnicity without addressing issues of disability would leave Q potentially having to be 'one' or the 'other'. In terms of inclusion, how do schools with visible minority ethnic pupils with disabilities work with them in a way that does not force the young person to choose?
Gender issues arose in several different ways. Firstly, some women teachers interviewed commented on the sexism they had to face from some minority ethnic male pupils. They commented on the difficulty of raising these issues because some of the pupils' behaviour was being attributed to faith and cultural practices. Teachers did not wish to discuss this for fear of being accused of racism.
In terms of inclusion, it is vital that teachers are able to address concerns over sexism as appropriately as they are being expected to address issues of racism. There is a need for more discussion between educators and all communities, majority and minority, about matters of faith and patriarchal cultural mores which require to be challenged in the same way as racist cultural mores.
9.1.5 School links with minority ethnic parents
Overall, few teachers and senior managers discussed the contribution of parents in any depth other than with regard to the assistance and information provided by parents, particularly in faith and cultural matters. The issue of home-school links was not given priority in the majority of teacher interviews, although gender aspects of home-school links were discussed.
Teachers appreciated minority ethnic parents who came into schools to help. As mothers appeared to be more available during the days, the participating role tended to fall to them. Where this was the case, teachers regretted that fathers were less visible.
However, teachers also spoke of their concern in some situations where mothers were not present and all the school's dealings were with the father. This was attributed to language constraints but also to cultural issues. Teachers wanted more contact with mothers whom they knew to have the main caring responsibilities for their children.
For parents, on the other hand, human relationships were at the forefront of their concerns. Parents wanted more communication and dialogue with their children's teachers. This was particularly the case for parents whose children were facing multiple issues such as being from a minority ethnic background and having special educational needs. Reflections on home-school interactions explored issues of power, responsibility and dialogue. The quality of communication was largely seen to be dependent on the schools' approachability, awareness of barriers to communication and readiness to initiate discussion and engage with parents as active partners. Similarly, there was recognition of the value and impact of good, supportive relations between teachers and pupils, of children's friendships and of the potential for damage from disinterested or antagonistic teachers and pupils.
Parents were also very conscious of having to work hard at home to assert ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities for their children in the face of the widespread ethnocentricity of the society in which they lived. All parents in the focus groups and interviews were vocal about the need for schools to look far more critically at conscious or subconscious messages sent out by staff on race issues, at the quality of their resources and at curriculum content for promoting diversity.
Young people interviewed did not bring up any clear issues on home-school links.
The question of how minority ethnic parents are included requires attention. Research and educational literature (Tomlinson, 1993; Munn, 1993; Bastiani, 1997) acknowledges that parents are their children's chief educators and that children derive an essential sense of themselves and the world from their home surroundings before growing into a larger environment. Where there are compound factors such as race and SEN, the importance of involving parents as active partners is even more critical (SOEID, 1999).
It could therefore be argued that the involvement of parents might assist the inclusion of minority ethnic pupils and the absence of such involvement not only decreases pedagogic benefits but serves to alienate the pupil from both home and school.
9.1.6 Racism
Racism, at a personal or an institutional level, impacts on minority ethnic pupils' sense of being included or excluded. This issue is further developed in 9.3.2 and 9.3.3.
9.2 Experiences of minority ethnic pupils in terms of educational attainment, participation in school activities, personal and social skills
9.2.1 Attainment levels
This study is unable to arrive at valid and reliable statements about the educational achievements of minority ethnic pupils. This is largely due to the weaknesses in the data available to the researchers.
For many schools, the practice of routinely collecting data on educational attainment and forwarding the results to the authority for central storage and interrogation is new. In addition, recording of ethnicity has not been fully understood by schools and has resulted in the provision of incomplete data.
The 5-14 levels are not primarily designed for exploring patterns of educational achievement. To obtain accurate data about minority and majority ethnic pupil achievement, this study would have required standardised assessment measures taken at constant intervals (i.e. all pupils assessed at the same time over an extended period). There is a need to conduct a longitudinal study following a cohort of pupils through the years from P2 to S2 to examine whether differences between minority and majority ethnic pupils change over time as a means of establishing, for instance, whether there is any evidence of a 'catching-up' effect.
Data on ethnicity remains incomplete also because it is not compulsory for parents to disclose information of this nature. It is therefore difficult to confidently compare the attainment levels of pupils from varying ethnic backgrounds. A further issue relates to language. Data recordings at authority level do not at present provide details of the length of time each pupil has been resident in Britain or the pupil's fluency in English. Even where pupils whose first language is not English speak the same language, it is difficult to tell how much they have in common socially or culturally.
Since, historically, and during the period covered by this study, reliable data linking attainment levels to ethnicity has not been available, it is important that a future study focus on this key area, utilising the monitoring data which should increasingly come on-stream.
For the future, it is essential that authorities provide staff development to key school staff on the purpose and importance of ethnic monitoring. Each authority should consider this in relation to the accurate provision of data to the Scottish Executive.
9.2.2 Participation in school activities, personal and social skills
Minority ethnic young people presented themselves as eager to succeed in their lives and education and impatient about barriers put in their way, whether by other pupils or teachers. They were keen to speak about their friends and their likes and dislikes at school. Minority ethnic young people valued opportunities to interact with other minority ethnic people and for many, such opportunities appeared not to exist. In more ethnically diverse schools they recognised social divisions and dynamics between ethnic groups and mentioned times when young people clustered into their own ethnic groups. They were critical of the tendency for visible minority ethnic pupils to stay together and called on schools to do more to bring pupils out of their enclaves.
Minority ethnic young people stressed the importance of having a supportive peer group, the ethnic make-up of which varied according to their circumstances. The existence of a supportive peer group seemed to make the difference between feeling included or excluded. They often relied on such a network for coping with a range of issues from dealing with racism to feeling confident enough to take part in activities. Young people spoke of the importance of a good school ethos and some indicated that a good ethos and recognition of the diversity of pupils meant less racism. Several praised their school's efforts to recognise diversity.
Gender also appeared to have an impact on the experiences of minority ethnic young people. Girls especially spoke about constraints participating in social or school activities particularly at secondary level. They commented that the range of choice of activities was often restricted.
Though parents did not refer directly to pupil achievement or participation in those specific terms parents commented on the importance of having strong, affirmative headteachers if schools were to work towards ensuring racial inclusion. A positive school ethos, communicated from the top, was thought necessary if the whole school was to take race equality forward. Parents raised the need for all schools, regardless of their ethnic composition, to recognise and value diversity. Teachers were thought to require training to equip them to work appropriately with diverse classes. The onus for change and implementation of good practice must not be left with minority ethnic parents but be seen as a common goal and benefit to all.
Teachers on the whole concentrated their contributions in terms of their efforts to address issues of equality and fairness. Where references were made to pupil participation, this was very much in terms of the inclusion of multicultural events so that minority pupils would feel their cultures and faiths were being recognised and acknowledged.
Teachers made many positive comments about minority ethnic pupils, particularly those recently arrived from another country. These pupils were often viewed as 'respecters' of education, keen to learn and hardworking. A few teachers spoke of the contribution made by minority ethnic pupils to the diversity of school life and of the enriching experience this represented for all pupils.
However, the majority of comments about minority ethnic pupils focused on meeting the needs of EAL pupils. Teachers felt inadequately prepared for working with pupils who had little or no English. They were concerned that they were not providing relevant and effective support for such pupils to access the curriculum and to ensure that appropriate learning for such pupils was taking place. This discussion is further expanded in 9.3.1.
9.3 Teacher and pupil perceptions of minority ethnic pupils' educational achievements, experiences and expectations
9.3.1 Teacher perceptions
There was a tendency by teachers to interpret working with minority ethnic pupils as an indicator of their own commitment to race equality. Race equality was also often viewed in terms of a school's support of bilingual pupils through interaction with the EAL service, its strong stance on tackling racist incidents and its celebration of different faiths and festivals. Few teachers focused on the importance of ensuring a multicultural curriculum, on understanding the impact of racism (personal, cultural and structural) on minority ethnic pupils or on the benefits of race equality work for majority ethnic pupils or for themselves as teachers.
Many teachers were keen to accentuate the positive characteristics of minority ethnic pupils. In particular, teachers were appreciative of minority ethnic pupils who studied hard and some particularly commented on the way the culture and faith of some minority ethnic pupils contributed to the ethos and practice of their school. However, individual personality and abilities appeared to influence the way in which a child was perceived. Bright, pleasant minority ethnic pupils able to speak fluent English or to grasp English as a second language quickly were positively remarked upon by some interviewees. This raises questions of how teachers value minority ethnic children whose disposition is less positive or resilient, who are academically less able or require more attention.
Teachers also tended to describe minority pupil experiences in terms of the presence or absence of racist incidents. The absence of racist incidents was often taken as an indicator that all was well. The issue of racist incidents is discussed further in 9.3.2. Rarely, if at all, did teachers talk about minority ethnic pupil experiences in terms of what the young people liked or disliked, their friendship patterns or their participation within the life of the school.
9.3.2 Racist incidents in and outwith school
Overall, teachers did not report frequent or systematic racial incidents or bullying. A minority of teachers and senior managers spoke of a multi-agency partnership approach to tackling racism and racial bullying by developing their links with the community police and voluntary sector agencies.
While all teachers interviewed saw racial bullying as a serious matter, they were not unanimous in how to address such bullying. The majority acknowledged any racial aspects and addressed the matter accordingly, but a small minority felt that racial bullying was no different than any other sort of bullying, that it was not about racism but about a generic intolerance of difference. Some teachers were concerned about the 'social separation' between young people of different ethnic groups once they leave school. They felt that schools should work more closely with community agencies to develop collaborative activities such as sporting activities.
Most teachers thought racist incidents in school were on the decline, or even rare, and were more concerned about racist incidents encountered by pupils in the street and in society in general. Some commented on the effect of parental values which might be racist and questioned how such values might impact on the pupil in school. Several teachers felt that where there was no evidence of racist incidents in the school there was no real need to highlight issues of racism or racial bullying.
Yet racism, both direct and indirect, was a daily feature for most minority ethnic young people interviewed. Though some were initially hesitant all young people discussed examples of everyday racism. They recounted racist incidents, name-calling, harassment and bullying in social relations, sometimes within the school, but more so in their neighbourhoods, in the city centres, while travelling to and from school, and elsewhere. Overall, young people described a gulf between their teachers and themselves in their experience of racism. Some pupils displayed hurt and anger, especially when recounting how teachers had failed them. All young people were aware of their school's anti-bullying messages and the need to report such bullying; however, most tended to try and sort things out for themselves. A few were conscious that some of their teachers tried hard to be accessible, yet it appears that most experiences of racism are not reported.
Parents tended to approach the issue of racist incidents differently to teachers and pupils. They wanted to go beyond the incident to an overall approach to tackling racism in its different forms. Parents were very concerned about the tendency of schools to conflate the issue of racism and bullying but saw racial bullying as one aspect of racism.
Parents were also highly appreciative of schools who anticipated, prevented and recognised racial tensions rather than merely reacting to incidents. They attributed the good practice in such schools to senior management leadership. In particular, they appreciated the proactive stance taken by some schools that were prepared to extend their influence beyond the school gates to successfully deal with racist incidents. The majority of schools were, however, perceived as reluctant to get involved with events off the school premises. Since the experience of racism outwith schools can impact on self-esteem and performance levels within schools, these experiences should be of concern to all schools seeking the best achievement and experiences for their pupils.
9.3.3 Staff racism
Five percent of the 163 respondents who spoke about racism within the questionnaire part of this study raised it in relation to staff. The examples given were mainly in the form of comments made by colleagues in staffrooms, although a couple cited staff making racist comments to minority ethnic pupils. One teacher said that, in their experience most of the racist remarks they heard emanated from staff rather than pupils. In the chapter on pupil experiences, pupils refer to staff comments and attitudes. The responses about teacher racism from questionnaires were also supported by some teachers during interviews. Whilst teachers were reluctant to discuss the attitudes of colleagues, some shared concerns about the complacency of certain colleagues on matters of equality, and race equality in particular, and others worried about racist and ignorant views held by colleagues.
Staff racism, in its many possible guises, has so far not been the subject of much research. The findings of this study suggest that this is an area requiring critical and honest attention. Staff who hold negative views of minority ethnic pupils, cultures or ethnic groups are likely to convey their beliefs and values in their interactions with pupils. Too often race equality and school studies focus on the behaviour of pupils rather than staff, but to ensure a genuine culture of respect, the focus has to be on the whole school community.
Staff attitudes have also escaped scrutiny as the focus on racism has targeted society, parents and the social environment. From such a perspective racism is seen as a feature of (white) pupils' behaviour, poor parental attitudes, the media and other factors, rather than as generated by staff attitudes and institutional practices. The example of the minority of teachers who seemed to equate racism with social deprivation illustrates such preconceptions. Such a notion might lead to the incorrect assumption that racism is more rife within lower socio-economic groups than in others; it might also falsely label young people from areas of social deprivation as being key contributors to racism. The racism of the middle-classes and other professional groupings was not discussed, other than by those teachers who complained of racism among colleagues.
9.3.4 Pupil perceptions
Many issues are already covered in 9.2.2. Overall, pupils stressed the importance of a good school ethos. The majority of young people interviewed came from areas with few minority ethnic pupils. Most tended to be 'the only ones' of their ethnic group in the school or part of a group of just a few visible minority ethnic pupils. They were conscious of being 'outsiders' even though they were born in Scotland and felt that colour, nationality, language and religious background were determining factors in whether they were accepted as 'belonging'.
Young people were aware both of sincerity in teachers' attempts to be inclusive and of their lack of confidence in engaging positively with diverse minority ethnic communities. A number of young people expressed annoyance with stereotypical assumptions about their identities based on their colour or country of origin.
They also felt that staff lack of understanding and school failure to recognise religious diversity placed them in difficult positions. For instance, if the school did not sanction time out for religious festivals, pupils felt forced to be absent as 'off sick'.
9.4 Factors which affect minority ethnic pupils' achievement and attainment
9.4.1 Many of the factors influencing achievement have already been mentioned in the above paragraphs. In particular, these are:
• the understanding of teachers in matters of race equality and racism
• the confidence of teachers in addressing issues of diversity and their ability to respond to individual needs
• improved communication and home-school liaison
• explicit addressing of issues of racial, cultural, linguistic and faith diversity within the curriculum
• an understanding of multiple discrimination issues
• the need for effective ethnic monitoring and analysis of such data
The above concur with findings from other major studies which seek to raise achievement and improve the school experiences for minority ethnic pupils (Blair et al 1998; DfES 2002).
9.5 Impact on minority ethnic pupils of different teaching and learning styles
9.5.1 Overall, teachers appreciated that, in response to ethnic and religious diversity, consideration needed to be given to developing ethnically sensitive approaches in such fields as curriculum content, pupil support, assessment and home-school links. Many teachers tried to avoid an exclusively 'Western' focus in the curriculum, used multicultural texts, reappraised their curriculum to take into account multifaith issues, and encouraged the maintenance of the home language. In terms of delivering anti-racist education, some teachers selected topics which had the scope to raise discussions of racism and race equality, addressed issues of racism when they arose, raised pupil awareness of anti-racist legislation, checked materials for racial stereotypes and created opportunities for cross-cultural working by, for instance, visiting different places of worship.
Where teachers indicated that they had developed both multicultural and anti-racist teaching and learning strategies, they emphasised the ethos of respect which they had sought to create and insisted that they tried never to let any hint of racism go without comment.
There was, however, concern by young people that faiths other than Christianity were not given much coverage, though schools that had a mixed intake were seen as more successful in addressing the world religions represented in Scotland. Similarly, some young people felt that their ability to speak more than one language was not sufficiently recognised or valued. Equally, some would have preferred to learn a community language rather than a European language. This was especially the case if they had to study their home language in supplementary classes after school or at weekends.
It is difficult to make any conclusive statements about the impact on minority ethnic pupils of different learning and teaching styles. What it is possible to say is that the consideration of race equality issues on learning and teaching styles is a developing area and that the approach is rather ad hoc with only some teachers and schools giving serious consideration to the issue. Some engage in multicultural education without consideration for anti-racist approaches, others approach race and learning and teaching issues as a problem or deficit.
9.6 Conclusion
While aspects of the study are inconclusive there are some themes that emerge very clearly. Schools in this study demonstrate an inconsistent approach to dealing with matters relating to race equality. In some cases, a whole school approach is apparent, while others who do not embed the pursuit of equality in their work and outlook appear only to react to difficult situations when this becomes unavoidable.
Teacher interviews and questionnaires support this, as some teachers see it as important to blur distinctions and differences between their pupils while others recognise a clear need to make diversity, including racial diversity central to their approach. The inconsistency also seems related to individual teacher confidence, levels and relevance of training and school leadership. These factors determine the ethos and atmosphere in the school. There are also variations in how best to address issues of race equality in the classroom.
In stark contrast to the teachers, parents seem clear about the need for improved dialogue between school and home and, unlike many teachers, see racism as more than just a form of bullying. It is also clear that parents and pupils would like to see race equality issues addressed at curricular level permeating all aspects of the school rather than as a one-off or bolt-on activity. This is not a view consistent across the teacher sample. Parents and pupils demanded an approach based on justice and fairness.
It is unclear to what extent schools acknowledge minority ethnic pupils as social actors, negotiating complex identities and social relationships within a racialised environment, and as agents of change who can adapt to, challenge and inform the individuals, cultures and institutions which they encounter in school and outside.
There needs to be much more active and open listening to the voices of all pupils. The voices of minority ethnic young people can offer a more nuanced understanding of their lives within a racialised social and institutional context than is otherwise available. It would appear that solutions are possible and if the approach, which demands that teachers too reflect on their practices, is firmly established in schools, then the policies and practices which sustain institutional barriers to race equality can begin to be dismantled.
This study also suggests that there is a need to disentangle the issues of racism from the discourses around 'ethnicity'. Focusing on 'ethnicities' and related differences is essential in order to build an inclusive school. However, such a focus needs to be contextualised within an anti-racist framework that does not marginalise or negate the existence of different forms of racism.
This study found that there were schools that have worked hard to embed race equality and generic equality issues into their ethos and overall approach, and it is vital that their efforts and good practice are shared with other schools. Sadly, from pupil and parent interviews, it would appear that many schools are not prepared or able to meet the differing needs of pupils from minority ethnic communities. However, the advice and support which could redress that failing is readily to hand if schools and training institutions listen to the views of parents and pupils. As many teachers themselves noted, diversity in the school, and sound approaches to justice and fairness in the curriculum and in the management of the classroom is of benefit to all pupils, not just those from minority ethnic groups.
This study was limited in both its scope and scale but nonetheless it has provided some indicators of the position of visible minority ethnic pupils in Scottish schools and some pointers for the way forward.
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