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CHAPTER EIGHT: FINDINGS FROM PARENT INTERVIEWS

8.1 Introduction

8.1.1 The widely recognised pedagogic benefits of partnerships between parents and teachers on the one hand and the desire of parents to engage with schools on the other has, at agency level, accelerated the drive for dialogue and consultation between parents and teachers. Although this development has received its share of academic attention (Bastiani, 1997; Munn, 1993; Tomlinson, 1993), in Scotland there remains a dearth of published research focusing on such relations in the context of minority ethnic families. Yet, for minority ethnic parents, the added dimension of 'race' compounds the difficulties encountered by many majority ethnic parents in their contact with schools. Refugee perceptions of their children's education in Scotland were documented by Arshad, Closs and Stead (1999) whose study devoted considerable attention to parental perspectives. Speaking of the increasing levels of parental involvement they argued that, 'it is important to ensure that all parents, including refugee parents, are able to take part in [...] inclusive community practices which not only assist schools but also support family relationships'.

8.1.2 Given that 'the research literature into the 1990s suggests that educational professionals still regard ethnic minority parents as posing problems for schools, rather than as assets in the educational process' (Tomlinson, 1993), it is clear that the voices of minority ethnic parents have not yet been fully heard or taken on board. Parents tend to be their children's chief educators and children derive an essential sense of themselves and the world from their home surroundings before growing into a larger environment. It is therefore not surprising that families should need and wish to understand schooling as an important shared journey. Where there are significant cultural, religious, social and/or ethnic differences between the home and school settings the imperative to build bridges between them becomes even more understandable. However, establishing such trust is an ongoing process requiring reflection and commitment on both sides. 'A cultural and political shift is needed through the system in order to gain the confidence and active participation of parents.' (Arshad and Almeida Diniz, 1999)

8.1.3 The importance of involving parents of children with SEN is stressed in guidance that has been published by the Scottish Executive in The Manual of Good Practice in Special Educational Needs (SOEID, 1999(b)). What evidence is there that minority ethnic parents of disabled children are active partners in the education of their children? The decision to include an explicit focus on race equality in SEN and the extent to which this forms part of the main study is explained in Chapter 1. Section 8.4 reports the findings of a small-scale attempt to explore the views and experiences of minority ethnic parents of disabled children.

8.2 Aims and methodology

8.2.1 Thirty-eight parents of different ethnic backgrounds were interviewed. Focus groups were mostly conducted by two researchers, at least one of whom was of minority ethnic background. Twelve interviews were conducted by telephone. Since the focus of this study was on young people rather than their parents, it was decided not to monitor parental ethnicity. It is acknowledged that an investigation into possible correlations and divergences between parent experiences and ethnicity, either their own or that of their children, might have yielded relevant insights. However, such an approach was not considered to be within the scope of this piece of research and, as such, only pupil ethnicity was monitored.

Of the interviewees, thirty were female, and eight were male. The vast majority of interviewees in this group were parents, only two interviewees participated in their capacity as adult relatives involved in the upbringing of the child. The higher levels of participation by mothers, or female carers, may reflect perceptions of parental and caring responsibilities within families, as well as restricted availability of fathers due to work commitments. However, the interviews yielded no clear gender-specific data and quotes have therefore not been coded to indicate gender.

All parents, with the exception of one mother who accompanied her husband, spoke in English and no parent took up the offer of an official interpreter.

All interviews, bar two, were conducted with only one adult member per household so as to maximise the input from different families.

8.2.2 Community organisations were approached in the first instance for assistance in identifying and recruiting parents and pupils prepared to participate in interviews. Since this route yielded only limited numbers, and progress was slow, alternative approaches were made to individuals in the four authorities who had contacts across the minority ethnic communities in their areas. This significantly accelerated and broadened the identification process and speeded up subsequent arrangements for the interviews. Feedback from community organisations suggested that adults often felt over-researched and reluctant to contribute to further research (although some children and young people reported over-research too).

Parents were not selected according to ethnicity for most of the interviewing phase. However, towards the end of that phase when a picture of the ethnic spread began to emerge, conscious attempts were made to boost the number of interviewees of African and Chinese background who were up to that point under-represented. It should be noted that the ethnicity of the organiser was often, although not exclusively, mirrored in that of the interviewees, possibly indicating that social networks tend to work along ethnic lines.

Parents were mostly invited by letter to participate in an interview after they had consented to their child/ren being interviewed. Whilst the aim was to interview only parents of young people who had participated in this study, this was not always possible due to difficulties experienced by the organisers in accessing parents.

8.2.3 Venue and timing played a role in getting contributors to come in and participate in focus groups, and in the nature of the discussion group. Dynamics were at times affected by parents drifting in and out of interviews, more pronounced in some meetings than in others.

Spatial limitations affected some focus groups. Rooms which were too small and/or shared with another group or had poor acoustics were found not to be conducive to focused discussion. This also had the effect of rendering some recordings inaudible.

Geographical limitations may have impacted on parent participation but it is impossible to assess the precise limitations imposed by the choice of venue. For some participants, access and travel to the interview location was problematic and it may be that despite the team's attempts to hold interviews in central, accessible and safe premises, some parents were deterred by the journey. In some cases, parents were concerned for the safety of their children and, therefore, accompanied or drove them, thus attending the parent interviews almost by default.

8.2.4 Interviews were conducted in focus groups with sizes ranging from three to seven and on a one-to-one basis by telephone. Interviews with five parents were conducted individually and face-to-face; all bar one of these were parents of children with special educational needs (SEN fieldwork is discussed in 8.4). Focus groups were held with 21 parents in four local authorities, telephone interviews were conducted with nine parents in two authorities. All interviewees were assured of confidentiality and gave permission for interviews to be taped. Recording quality permitting, tapes were subsequently transcribed to assist with analysis.

Telephone interviews and focus groups differed in the way they were conducted. This was attributable to the numbers involved (1:1 as opposed to 1:7), to the absence of a shared spatial experience as opposed to a physical encounter within a defined space, to the absence versus presence of visual and non-verbal clues to encourage, direct or contain discussion on the part of the interviewer, and to expand, digress or hold back on the part of the interviewee. The researchers adopted a semi-structured interview format in which respondents were encouraged to speak of their perceptions with no attempts made on the part of the interviewers to seek objectivity or verify the content of statements. The target content and area of enquiry were unaffected by the format of the interview.

8.2.5 Gaining access to minority ethnic families in general, as well as those of disabled children with SEN, remains an area of major challenge (Flynn, 2002; Patel, 2002). The involvement and co-operation of families was secured through active links with MELDI, an agency that supports minority ethnic disabled people. They were identified and contacted by MELDI staff, who accompanied the researcher if requested by families. Individual interviews were conducted with a sample of five including Down's syndrome, autism, physical and learning disabilities and behavioral problems. All the interviews were conducted in English, with language support from an adult within the family as chosen by the family. They were interviewed in their home, by telephone or at the MELDI office. Each meeting lasted 30-60 minutes. It needs to be emphasised that the research that was conducted is a small-scale attempt to explore the views of these families as a basis for more in-depth research in the future.

8.3 Themes emerging from the interviews

A range of themes was identified in the interviews as areas of importance or concern to parents. Human relationships and identity were by far the most consistently and exactingly addressed subjects followed, to a lesser degree, by other school-based matters, although here, too, the focus was principally on the way these impinge on relationships and self-perception. In light of the aim of this study, only race-specific material is taken into consideration. It is worth noting that this coincidentally reflects the issues parents themselves overwhelmingly chose to focus on. The issues will therefore be discussed as listed below, roughly in the order of their apparent significance to the contributors.

8.3.1 Contact between home and school

8.3.2 Relations between teachers and children

8.3.3 Relations between parents and children

8.3.4 Pupil peer relations

8.3.5 Identity and self-perception

8.3.6 Valuing diversity, respect for individuals/communities

8.3.7 Expectation, motivation and achievement

8.3.8 Racist incidents and bullying

8.3.9 School ethos and leadership

8.3 10 Minority ethnic teachers, teacher training and professional development

8.3.11 Curriculum, subjects, resources and activities

8.3.12 Learning support, bilingualism and EAL

[ Note: The findings from the interviews with parents of children with SEN are reported in 8.4.]

8.3.1 Contact between home and school

The importance of maintaining good relations between parents and teachers figured large in the interviews. This echoes the findings of other researchers who proposed openness and readiness to engage in genuine dialogue with parents as a key criterion of good practice. 'The most effective ways of gaining the parents' support and co-operation was to listen to their concerns, consult them about and give them a voice on important issues ... and most importantly show them respect by acting on their concerns.' (Blair, 2001). The findings in this study show that parents appreciate open-door policies in schools and give credit to teachers who take the initiative in discussing and consulting with them. Some parents thought they could rely on the school to get in touch in case of a problem and knew they themselves could contact the school at any time. They also felt welcome to participate in school activities. Where parents felt respected as equal partners by the school, they tended to express satisfaction with most aspects of their children's education.

The school contacts us when they are worried about something and they've left an open door for us to contact them if we want to discuss anything which is being done ... I'm happy, yes.

However, the onus for initiating discussion appears to lie with parents as schools were largely seen to respond to problems rather than maintain a regular exchange with the families. Schools, including some of the open and generally welcoming ones, were criticised for not taking a leap of imagination and initiating communication. Parents required schools to take on board potential barriers to participation and invest in developing and sustaining partnerships.

In general the ethnic minorities in [this authority], because of the racism, they feel they are not needed, not wanted, ... not counted for. So they stay away.

Yet one respondent who straddled the roles of parent and teacher praised the schools' openness and professed herself 'baffled and disappointed' at minority ethnic parents' 'great reluctance to come and join in. I would have thought with more and more of our people becoming educated, becoming professional I thought that maybe we would see a way forward and out of this.' This raises questions about who feels able to approach and interact with teachers and whether there are any hard criteria or if this is simply a matter of personality. It also underlines differences in perspective between those within and those outside the school gates. Perceptions are important as Blair and Bourne (1998) found in their study looking at parental involvement in multiethnic schools. They found that parents did not always feel that schools communicated clearly. A Community Liaison Officer, interviewed for their study, suggested that 'teachers did not always realise that they 'talked down' to minority ethnic parents and dictated what parents should be doing rather than listening to what parents themselves had to say and valuing their contribution as the primary carers of the child.'

Speaking of the barriers to communication, some respondents found them insurmountable while others felt able to approach the school anyway. They referred to issues of invisibility, lack of awareness or understanding of their culture on the part of the school, the personalities and attitudes of individual teachers and in some instances, presented their readiness to contact teachers as the result of a difficult process of learning to adjust to the demands of the situation.

The typical scenario where my white wife and the non-white me go and meet so and so ... They don't see me, they answer to her, like the invisible person with disability or whatever, so that does happen sometimes, but again a lot of it depends on the individual and some people are like that and some people aren't .... If I have to say things twice to get heard I will say them twice.

I was very timid, I was afraid, I was holding back. And my husband didn't want to know, said 'you are the housewife, you are in charge'... It's just our nature, [but] I'm not sitting back anymore. I wrote them three letters.

As long as schools fail to appreciate the complex factors that make up the history of parents and, specifically, minority ethnic parents marginalisation, and work to overcome it, then progress is likely to be slow. In the absence of clear encouragement, parents feel sidelined, uncomfortable and reluctant to come forward even though they recognise that their participation is important for their children's confidence and morale.

To bring them in you need to be patient and teach them as well how important the nursery is ... how important to come for the party because if the child looks back to see their parent clapping for them it is important ... every parent should know this responsibility ... lots of barriers ... put me off years ago. You can't expect me just the next day to come in, you need to do something about it.

For a number of parents, the difficulty in communicating with schools lies in language problems, a lack of understanding of the Scottish school system and culture, and also a wider sense of alienation and external pressures. They commented on the schools' unhelpfulness and inability to explain, reassure or discuss. Where schools are thought to be unapproachable and fail to consult, parents felt disenfranchised. There was pain and anger at the attitudes of schools and the wider education establishment. The overriding impression to emerge is of parents looking for human exchange and reassurance, not simply from an anonymous teaching body, but from individual teachers willing to communicate something of themselves and see the parent as a person. The more readily available such individual human contact is, the more parents appeared to be ready to trust the institution as a whole.

My children used to come home - tell me a lot of how they had been ill treated by other children but I just couldn't speak the language and I felt really embarrassed and sometimes feel guilt, and, imagine, I was traumatised to come to this country with my husband, refugees, and I was very scared, and at that time there were lots of other pressures outside, you know, for me to settle in the area was not a good experience as well. So at least if I had [had] this reassurance because my children are the most important thing for me here, [but] I didn't.

No, no help offered at all ... I wanted to hear how she settled, whether she made friends and my daughter used to come home and tell me the children would not hold her hand because she is strange, she is not dressed the way they dressed, she looks different, and I know that, and I'm waiting for the teacher to say something. I know it's hard for the teacher to solve these things but at least if she said to me 'there is a problem here', I'm trying to do my best.

You don't know which way to go, you don't know who would believe you, you don't know who to talk to ... you don't know how the child is getting on at school, even though [there are] the reports, even though he comes and says it's fine, oh maybe I don't like it or whatever. You really don't know how to take it.

Parents spoke of unresolved disputes, tokenism and lack of consultation. Interestingly, the latter point appears to contradict the impression gained by the research team that minority ethnic parents feel over-researched and therefore reluctant to participate in studies. However, it may be that the issue for some respondents here is not merely the consultation process but in fact the absence of real results and tangible change.

I don't need a parents' evening, it's a waste of time, five minutes.

If the Scottish Executive could listen to what the parents are saying ... I don't know whether they ever include the ethnic minority parents, because there's so many of us already and most of us have educated our children from the time they started the schools here to now they're finished and in university. And none of us have ever been asked on anything, somebody decides for you, that is what the ethnic minority [parents] want and who is the ethnic minority anyway?

Parents noted the need to speak up for their children's education regardless of the consequences, although some saw their input to be of no benefit and indeed believed it to jeopardise their children's position even further. (This is discussed further in 8.3.2 - Relations between teachers and pupils). Whilst some teachers were portrayed as vindictive, others were thought to feel intimidated into co-operation by assertive and well-informed parents. The impression gained is one of schools feeling threatened by assertive parents on the one hand, and of parents feeling intimidated by non-communicative teachers on the other. One parent, who spoke up for her child, accepted the label of 'troublemaker' saying she would 'not have her child fail because the system refuses to help her just because of who she is'. Sadly, from this study there was little evidence of constructive and balanced communication between parents and teachers. Instead there remain unresolved question of power, responsibility and dialogue in home-school interaction.

You know the experiences I've had I actually don't have that faith in 'the school knows' ... I've had to argue my way through to get things for the children. So I'm thinking what if I was a mother who couldn't speak with authority? And they don't like it, that's why I'm saying you then get labelled, ... you're a difficult parent.

8.3.2 Relations between teachers and pupils

Just as parents attached importance to their relations with teachers, discussions around teacher-pupil relations centred on the power of the individual teacher to make a positive or negative impact. Parents appreciated good relations between pupils and teachers, and conversely held teachers responsible for bad ones, suggesting that their expectation of the teacher's role was to develop an empathic, supportive bond with their pupils. Good teachers were seen to have strong, nurturing relationships with their pupils which could leave a lasting impression. The human quality of good pupil-teacher rapport is reflected in Richardson (2002) who, citing the Polish poet Wislawa Szymborska, speaks of 'the love and imagination of inspired teachers'. Blair (2001) cites the ability of teachers to empathise with their pupils as one of the principal conditions for good practice: 'Listening to students meant actively attempting to understand things from their point of view.' Good teachers are credited with having the capacity to keep happy pupils motivated and turn round negative experiences and attitudes to improve pupil perception and behaviour.

There were teachers there who could cope with ... situations like that and there were those who couldn't. And it was unbelievable how close pupils ... got to their teachers irrespective of race or anything like that.

Attitude of one teacher can put the child off education for life. And one good teacher's ... good attitude can build that child's future for life.

That particular teacher saw nothing good in him ... she always made it clear - it was another teacher - or two other teachers who changed that notion, and then [he] started feeling OK in the school ... having a sense of belonging ... But for the first teacher, that could have caused big damage.

Equally, however, the harm inflicted by teachers whose relationship with their pupils is consistently difficult was thought to be considerable and long-lasting. Just as strong, beneficial relations can have a lasting effect in strengthening and motivating pupils, tensions between pupils and teachers were thought to generate stress, poor discipline and

disaffection in some pupils. Connections have been made linking unhappiness at school with under-achievement and low confidence, and these are explored further in 8.3.7.

Usually that leads to the child also misbehaving, and you know doing things, he probably was also antagonising and doing things that he wouldn't have probably done.

She started saying things like [my daughter] is really negative for a five year-old. And some of the language she was using was words like she's scheming, she's conniving.

Some parents saw their children as being misrepresented, misunderstood and labelled, although it was not always clear whether this was attributed to individual members of staff or the school as a whole, or indeed, if this was in any way perceived to be systematic. Presenting systematic inequality, Bhatti (1999) and Gillborn (1998) have shown how pupils can be favoured or marginalised along ethnic and gender lines depending on the composition of the class as a whole. Contributors to this study provided anecdotal evidence of inconsistent teacher assessments suggesting subjectivity and possible personality clashes, and of children being penalised for complaining to or about staff.

The teacher ... said 'Mrs X I've had a very difficult time trying to write [your daughter's] report because the report we've got for first year does not describe the child I know. But the nursery school report describes the child I know.'

And then I thought, no, I've had too much confrontation … if I approach him, I'll make life difficult [for my child] like I did for my eldest son.

If you go and confront the teacher or complain, then your child is labelled as [a] problem child

Human incompatibility and error do, of course, have to be acknowledged as possible criteria for conflict, but where such imponderables exist, pupil and teacher wellbeing and conduct should, in theory, be safeguarded by a wider institutional framework. When parents are reluctant to involve themselves critically or controversially in school matters for fear of antagonising teachers and creating problems for their children (referred to in 8.3.1 and 8.3.3), that recourse is clearly ineffective. (See also section 8.3.1 on Home-school contact and 8.3.11 on the Importance of leadership on teacher attitude). It may be worth looking at why teacher attitude was seen in individual terms only, rather than also as part of a larger teaching body with a common purpose and ethic.

8.3.3 Relations between parents and children

In discussing their children, communication and interaction within the family permeated the agenda, issues around family relations thus surface repeatedly within this chapter on parent perceptions. However, parents did specifically home in on two aspects of their relationships first, issues arising from their desire to protect their children, either in relation to the school or in terms of wider questions of racism and second, the effects of different life experiences within the family.

In the former, conflict at school was shown to have potential repercussions at home, creating complex stresses between family members as they struggle to respect each other's wishes, assert their convictions, and protect themselves and each other. Many parents believed their children would trust them and tell them of any problems at school, illustrated by the words of one father who thought 'nothing serious would be held from [him]'. Mostly, children did not want their parents to take action and this had the potential to cause anxiety for the parents who on the one hand wished to protect their children and on the other did not want to breach their trust.

Where parents overruled their children and acted against their wishes, this tended to lead to conflict within the family. In some cases, children preferred to confide in their siblings or friends (as confirmed in Chapter 6) and only turned to their parents when situations escalated, signalling a desire to deal with problems independently for as long as possible. Parents tended to attribute this to their children's desire to blend in and avoid the embarrassment of being seen to collude with adults or require adult protection. Research into the perspectives of refugee parents (Arshad, Closs and Stead, 1999) revealed that parents thought that children would not keep them fully informed of difficulties at school out of a desire to protect their feelings. They stated that this 'made parents feel worried and inadequate in their own ability to protect their children'. No such disclosures were made by parents in this study but it may be that their children's inclination not to involve parents unnecessarily is driven by a similar impulse. The overwhelming majority of parents related their anecdotes to tensions within school. Only to a very minor extent did they relate it to other kinds of misunderstandings or problems between themselves and their children resulting from failure or mismanagement on the part of school.

She was probably thinking, well, if I tell mum you know it will just blow up and stuff like that. And so after a year she was being physically attacked and then she told me.

I can tell by his face what kind of a day he's had. And he came home ... he had a long face and at first he wouldn't say anything, he did have tears in his eyes and then eventually he told me but it was mum, mum don't say anything, don't mention this to anybody.

I didn't know what was wrong with her. [Her] lecturer said she should go and see a study guidance, support ... for IQ test and educational psychologist. And when the report came out, her behaviour was all there. And all these 18 months I was fighting with her because I didn't know what was going on. If I would have found out what had happened I wouldn't have [fought] with her.

Since there is no clear indication as to the age groups concerned and children's survival strategies may be determined by a host of factors, it is impossible to link definitively tendencies to certain types of behaviour to specific developmental stages or distinguish between primary and secondary age children. However, given peer pressure and adolescent psychological development, the need to cope with stresses independently is bound to become more pronounced as young people go through secondary education, and have to rely on support mechanisms outside their family contexts.

Equipping children and young people to deal with racism may create dilemmas between personal principles and the actual circumstances families find themselves in. Parents may feel they have no choice but to articulate their convictions and outlooks to their children in order to prepare them for the world; this contrasts markedly with the views expressed by many teachers that racism should not be made explicit to children. One parent described her situation in terms of having to educate her children to teach other children by setting an example and not reciprocating aggression but understanding the origins of racism. She thought of it as the only the way forward, suggesting that had her children retaliated, they would have made no friends. This is in contrast with parents who believe their children need to stand up for themselves but in doing so find themselves in conflict with their beliefs and moral stance.

We have to prepare our children, it's our duty, nobody else is going to tell them ... and they will face racism no matter how much Scottish Executive or Tony Blair tries to say 'Oh we are multicultural country' ... they will face bullying and we have to equip our children.

I say to my boy 'Him, ignore them they don't know any better'. But I shouldn't be saying this ... why should he ignore somebody who's ... just to make the peace.

I do say 'do not be nasty back, understand they are not knowledgeable ... give them another chance and this is how we survive' ... otherwise by now my children would not have any friends. I don't let them fight back, I try to calm them down and say 'listen this is a strong message they've been getting, we need to teach them.'

The different life experiences of family members within ethnically mixed families was raised, highlighting issues of identification and shared experience that shape relationships and outlooks. Whilst sympathetic white parents were seen to be unable to go through the same experiences as their minority ethnic children, minority ethnic parents may be perceived as having a different perspective determined by their backgrounds. The fluid dynamics present in all families may thus take on a further dimension as children and parents negotiate their ethnic identities separately and in relation to each other.

If the school's not dealing with it and [the children are having difficulties]... it doesn't mean if you have a black child you [as a white parent] are aware of racism ...[She] really wants to help [her child] but she's helpless. Because the only life she knows is being a white woman.

Yes I think they would be more likely to talk to their [white mother]... She would be [upset or hurt] but maybe they would [expect] me to be more upset, ... just because I'm always on about it ... and they are about getting on with it, kind of thing. I am and I always will be from somewhere else ... but they're not, they don't see life in the same way ... I do expect ... a kind of ebb and flow ... at points in their lives. One or the other culture.

That is an issue, like when we're out together ... then I think they do see themselves as kind of on the other side to myself. And yes, there are some issues around that.

Because I grew up where it was mainly black I probably have a different consciousness [to that of my children].

8.3.4 Pupil peer relations and friendship patterns

Asked about their children's relationships with their contemporaries, parents concentrated on favourable rather than problematic interaction. Friendships were read as barometers of children's happiness and settledness in their surroundings. Parental involvement in terms of setting boundaries and guiding children through areas of conflict, linked to cultural considerations by only one respondent, was touched upon, but the emphasis lay in giving children the opportunity to develop in their relationships and conveyed a sense of pride in their children's success in engaging with their peers and their environment.

I would be careful about allowing her out in the present climate ... And that can cause issues when it comes to things like discos and parties and that kind of thing, but I think the children have recognised that that is the way things are and they accept it.

There may be some restrictions, but not too much because we also want to give them some freedom, to make their choice. We also look at the background of the people that they are trying to be friendly with.

Responses reflect awareness of the influence schools can exert in shaping children's outlooks and ways of relating. Parents implied mostly that their children associate with white peers and, to a lesser degree, with peers from other ethnic backgrounds. This does not tally with impressions gained from interviews with young people but it may be connected with the ethnic composition of the children's schools and neighbourhoods. In some cases children were encouraged to maintain friendships with others from their own ethnic or cultural background as parents believed it might support their sense of identity. Parents were, by and large, positive about and supportive of their children's friends and also made reference to their own relationships with the friends' parents. Some parents appeared to stress the friendships with white children in particular and seemed impressed at their children's ability to relate across the ethnic spectrum.

Lots of friends, some of them actually come over and stay the weekend and others invite my children over to theirs. And their families also communicate with us.

She is a model of learning in terms of total lack of ... discrimination to any person.

There was some suggestion that relationships formed at primary age carry through and enabled minority ethnic children to participate fully. This would support moves to educate for anti-racism at an early age when children are perceived to come with an open mind.

They started primary school here ... made friends easily and they know the system here ... the culture, and ... speak English very well and probably those who came when they were older they found it difficult to settle down, you know, to accept things.

Parents compared their own experiences with those of their children. One parent commented on his daughter's friendships with her white peers, contrasting it with his own experiences in the 1960s, alliances with people of a similar ethnic background then, and concern now that unspoken hierarchies continue to exist which, if articulated, might actually precipitate problems. Whilst observations of this particular type were not made by many contributors, for some of those who drew parallels with their own history, they possibly reflected a general ambivalence and uncertainty about evolving shifts in race relations and ways of negotiating them, intellectually, psychologically and practically.

My daughter ... [does] not have any Asian friends ... Most of them are white ... in the late 60s when I was ... it was quite the opposite, all the Asians together because they have a common problem .... things are getting better in that aspect ...[but sometimes]... the hierarchy comes [in]. They don't want to rouse up any feeling that there is a problem.

Maybe 5%, 10% of the school is Asian ... So they are not the only ones in the school who are Asian, so they don't feel as odd as maybe I would have felt when I was at school.

Parents differed in their assessment of children's coping mechanisms. Circumstances, experiences and personality shape personal responses and different personalities elicit different reactions. The narratives provided pointed to complex and sophisticated modes of operating of which parents appeared to be aware. One mother recognised her child's ability to apparently shrug off conflict but had doubts over the actual psychological impact, another parent admitted to ignorance as to the actual events and developments in his children's lives. He assumed that racism did occur, albeit not to a major degree, and stemming from thoughtlessness rather than nefarious intent, but expected his children to be acquiring a range of strategies to appropriately deal with racist issues in different situations.

Some children [are] not going to take it if it's wrong. And ... some ... if something is ... wrong they can just walk away and let it [run off] like water off a duck's back. And my middle one seems to be able to do that ... In some ways [that is an asset but] I wouldn't really see it [that way]... you don't know then what's simmering underneath.

I'm going to be honest and say I don't know what happens ... they wouldn't tell me ... but my own feeling is that it probably doesn't happen very much. There are bound to be issues which come from perhaps not nasty racist behaviour but perhaps ... insensitivity ... I would like to believe that it is not really a big issue for them, I think they do learn how to deal with it and sometimes that involves speaking out or challenging something or ignoring it and getting on with other stuff.

Variants of personality and circumstance have already been referred to as contributing to outlook and behaviour, but adult attitude is also seen to exert a major influence on children. Teachers taking an anti-racist stance have the potential to create a positive ethos which the children themselves can take forward and enforce. Speaking of her relief at finding her child was no longer isolated at her new school, one parent quoted her daughter who marveled: 'D'you know, there are people the same colour as me at that school and they speak to me.' Unfortunately, not all schools appear able to instill an inclusive way of thinking in their pupils even if individual teachers do make an effort. The contrast between schools where anti-racism has been absorbed into the fabric of education and those where it appears to be superficially imposed is illustrated below.

If you get the ethos … that it is unacceptable ... you can control the racism much better, because there is the peer pressure as well ... one [new] child ... [was] racist and it was the children themselves that were telling that new child 'look you don't do that in [this] school.'

The kids pick their own friends and they don't want to pick [my daughter] ... so she feels really hurt ... so they didn't make a big fuss but [my daughter] said that 'oh, my teachers actually pick us, I really enjoyed it today because I have got someone to do drama with.

However, adults were also recognised to have the potential to influence children's relationships negatively. Where a child had difficulty settling in, and appeared to be excluded by her peers, parents spoke with much emotion of the trouble they encountered in supporting their child in the face of indifference and unhelpfulness on the part of the school. (Also referred to in 8.3.1, Home-school communication). The impact of adult attitude was also raised in relation to white parents, albeit only by a small number of respondents, who were concerned to see anti-racist education extend beyond the school gates so that any inclusive messages communicated by the schools would be supported at home.

Nobody would play with this child, and it wasn't the children, it was the parents … because when she went one day to pick him up she heard this mother saying 'don't go near that kid.'

8.3.5 Identity and self-perception

Parents seek to instill a positive sense of identity in their children. One mother, who described herself as living in a multicultural society, found her children clear and happy about their ethnic and religious background and supported them in their desire to 'take the best from both of their worlds'. Parents who expressed confidence in their ability to instill a strong sense of identity in their children appeared to operate in a culturally intact home-context and valued the diversity of their wider environment. They recognised their children's need to fit in with their surroundings and were encouraging of their desire to straddle two cultures.

I don't think it is an issue ... they are living in what is a multicultural society and they know that they are Asian and ... Muslim, and they're happy about that, and they recognise all the cultural aspects of it but at the same time they also want to be part of the Western culture ... and they don't want one to overtake the other in particular ... they want to take the best from both of their worlds and that is what I would really want them to do.

However, by far the larger number of respondents was less explicit about such a dual identity, stressing instead their desire to strengthen their children's perception of their ethnic background and arguing the need to counterbalance the Eurocentric portrayal of other cultures by wider society and in the school context in particular. Respondents spoke of their own experiences, of their hopes for their children, and of their regret at the perspectives their children were growing up with. Travelling to their home country and exposure to a favourable view of that world was mentioned as a beneficial experience for young people. In the words of one parent, 'they come back with their backs a bit straighter'. At the same time, such experiences need to be backed up by a positive perspective in school.

My own children go there on holiday and they know how beautiful their country is and how lovely [a] time they spend there [but] ... their friends were teasing them about Africa, which is not right. We need a better picture through the education department.

The perspective that is being given from one end sometimes can be damaging because kids then don't get anything to identify with ... [there are] issues around how the media portray things ... If I happen to be African [and] I haven't grown up here and I haven't travelled, my view of Africa will be what I see on telly and what I'm getting from school.

Where parents felt unsupported in their desire to provide a culturally cohesive environment, or undermined in their communication with their children by the messages emanating from school and the media, they worried about their children's self-image. Concerns ranged widely, from children demonstrating a general lack of interest and disinclination to associate with their home culture, to wishing their colour away and, at the most serious end of the spectrum, inflicting serious physical harm on themselves to that effect.

They're not interested in watching and I argue with them and say look these are things that [you should] learn because you want to see what is happening in [unclear word or passage] original countries. I think that is another major concern where they are beginning to think because they are here they are nothing to do with whatever has to do with where they originally come from.

Worried, disappointed, very, and I feel sorry for my children: how they're being educated ... how [others have] been looking down on them, lacking this support, this feeling of happiness in the school, the teachers recognising them, their friends ... one of my daughters [was] saying she wishes she was white ... that is hurting, disappointing for me because I don't want her to be like that, I want her to be proud of her colour, proud of her culture. The school played a big role in that.

There was acknowledgement of the diminishing impact of the home environment on young people as compared with the sphere of influence exerted by society as a whole, and of the difficulties this creates in terms of fostering a positive sense of identity. The process of exploring notions of self and belonging was approached in different ways with some respondents accepting the fluidity of identity and others conveying unease at their children's associations. Despite raising the question of the various ways of asserting identity, none of the parents explicitly addressed the issue of young minority ethnic people in the UK extending current boundaries of self-perception and carving out a new identity for themselves, possibly one unrecognisable to their parents. (This links with issues raised in 8.3.4 Pupil peer relations and friendship patterns.)

Sometimes I think some of the children, boys in particular, possibly try to deliberately put on the accent. You know because they feel this maybe gives them a certain identity and maybe that's what they feel, we're perceived as this, we're going to play this out.

[He] comes from a different angle and ... [I believe] everybody is equal ... but again it's the attitude, the mentality that is coming out that he is learning from his other Asian friends and looking down on the other local [white] people.

8.3.6 Valuing diversity, respect for individuals/communities

Parents complained about being expected to support schools but finding that this was not reciprocated. Teachers were called upon to be more affirmative of children's cultures, not merely accept them. In their study of predominantly white schools in England, Cline and his team (2002) found that most teachers 'saw their school or class as trying to treat all children equally and playing down ethnic and cultural differences'. The failure to differentiate between the notion of 'same' and 'equal' has also come to light in past research in Scotland and, indeed, in this study during interviews with teachers. Where schools are encouraging, this has a positive impact on the children's self-perception. It also sends out a clear message to white children.

There was a call for improvement on a number of fronts and for schools to try and counterbalance the negative media influence and to generate a positive self-image in minority ethnic children.

The way the media is presenting Africa ... always starving, always dirty, always needing help ... I want them to be proud of their roots ... and if the media is huge, something we can't deal with … at least the school should put [in] something to give [the children] self-esteem, something positive ... the African histories, the Asian histories, full of lots of things.

Valuing diversity to be considered integral to the education system, not a bolt-on.

The school did have an equal opportunities policy and did follow it ... but the issue only comes up when something has happened ... talking about racial issues should be done from the very beginning so that all children know about it and that it's wrong to segregate. The school dealt with it really well but … [it] only comes up when something's gone wrong.

Children to be taught race-equality from an early age on.

Its not just them, it's the white children ... as well, so it helps them to understand later on in their lives.

It is the duty of the education department to make sure the view is not slanted ... because if we started there ... as they are growing older it will get much easier, because it's part of the norm, you know, it's not ... taking this extra class or going for ... this extra campaign, but within the grain of the education system.

A more balanced approach to be brought to religious education and a less pervasive focus on Christianity.

Partnership between the school and the house. If I'm trying to teach my children about ... the good manners which Islam encourages [there] should be some backup from the school. My children have been fasting now four years ... And I have never had any recognition from the school ... The teacher will mention it in the classroom but it's never been [applauded] ... If the school tell me to do anything with the children I will do it 100%, but when I tell them something ... nothing [is] done.

I went into one [non-denominational] school … and there was assembly time and all the Muslim children didn't attend assembly ... I was kind of gobsmacked to see that all these children were sitting at the side and they weren't part of it.

This is more an issue for me than my children, but sometimes the monoculturalism comes through religious and moral education, that does kind of bother me, because while the local education authority and even to some extent the school might teach diversity, saying ... we do have representatives from other faiths take assembly ... the school is quite clearly largely Christian ... I feel the lack, I wish that it were richer and more diverse, and that our children and young people were exposed more to a wider breadth of ideas.

Respondents described how a general lack of knowledge of minority cultures, in this instance, exemplified in the choice and interpretation of personal names, may culminate in ridicule and misunderstanding. The focus was on reactions to the naming conventions of different cultures and languages as well as the processes of anglicisation undergone in an attempt to integrate or to deflect and diffuse unwelcome attention. Such readiness to accommodate the perceived demands of some majority groups by adopting English or anglicised names or naming patterns, or opting for short or 'manageable' non-English names, may be read either as a sensible and necessary means of adapting to the local environment, or as a form of collusion which perpetuates the cycle of ignorance. The outcome however, remains the same, a chunk of culture is in danger of getting lost, individual and collective identities may be undermined, and the majority population is spared the need to take on board unfamiliar sounds and concepts.

How come your father has got one particular surname, whereas the three children all have three different surnames ... these [patterns] baffle and confuse the teachers ... goes to a certain extent of being ridiculed, you know, saying 'you've got a different father.'

Why should we not just learn to say [the names]? It's a matter of practice. We should be encouraging them to stick to their original names no matter how difficult to pronounce.

People are quite OK about you having your original name, shortened, but still an Indian name. [An English name]... fits in with society so he's not getting mocked at school.

The onus to educate the majority and fight for equal opportunities was seen to be on the parents whose principal recourse is to engage with the education institution. Whilst most respondents were unhappy about having to take on this role, none questioned why the ball appears to be in the minority ethnic court and why the struggle for race equality should have to be fought by those most immediately affected rather than be considered relevant for all. Some did raise issues about educating white parents, others mentioned the benefits of anti-racist education and multiculturalism to white children, and another asked why minority ethnic parents should have to justify and fight for what is a legal entitlement.

Why should we have to legitimise … why do we have to tell you this is needed, why do we have to prove to you our children are coming to learn, [because only] then you are going to give the funding ... We are tax payers, it should be our right like it is of any other.

To stop racism I think we need to educate white parents.

The question of how the majority community perceives the rights of minority ethnic people is illustrated in one contributor's example of local generosity towards a group of visiting children from Chernobyl, the transition from dispensing charity to recognising rights has yet to be made by a vast section of the majority community. Similarly, this process of adjustment is reflected in one respondents' assessment of how demographic shifts may change public perception of minority ethnic people from exotic to threatening.

I said 'but these children [from Chernobyl] aren't staying' and they went 'that's right' and I said 'would you feel as well towards them if you discovered that they were actually going to stay here?' And there just was a few looks of puzzlement, as if to say...

I would think [that the number of African pupils makes a difference to the school] in that there is a presence ... because you're different you're being seen as exotic ... as opposed to the more you get, then it moves to the other side of the scale where you're a threat.

8.3.7 Expectation, motivation and achievement

Troyna and Siraj-Blatchford (1993) found that school processes located minority ethnic pupils below their abilities or potential and other studies have shown the connection between negative expectations and negative interactions (Connolly, 1998). Parents expressed high expectations of their children and took pride in their social and academic achievements. They encouraged their children to aim high and although no specific levels of attainment or career plans were discussed, it was apparent both that children were expected to push themselves and work to their full potential and that parents saw themselves as taking an active role in supporting them in their endeavours. Such parental interest in and support for their children's education is evidenced in work by Dale et al (2002) who found that 'parents who were aware of the difficulties that their sons and daughters would face in the labour market were often very keen for them to gain qualifications. They emphasised the importance of education in terms of life chances'.

Given the determination of such an outlook and parental readiness to collaborate with schools, it is unsurprising that parents should expect backing from and dialogue with teachers. However, whilst some parents were pleased to receive positive feedback and applauded the school for supporting their children, reservations were also expressed about teachers' understanding and the degree to which children were being stretched. Clearly parental and teacher assessments do not always coincide, suggesting differing expectations and/or variant interpretations of the children's progress.

So she finds it interesting because ... the teachers were quite helpful in giving her some [extra] stuff, until she'd catch up with the other children ... which were a year ahead of her.

Certainly I am hoping that my boy will go to a credit class of his choice. So ... then the work would be hard and he should cope with that and he should work harder. Unless they ..put him in other classes. At that stage I would be exploding - and trying to find other ways to argue with them or remove the boy.

The connections between under-achievement, boredom, low self-esteem, disaffection, truancy and alienation have been documented (Blair, 2001). Brah (1992) notes two contrasting reactions by Asian pupils in Leicester, those who reject the education system and those who determine to succeed despite the odds. The parents interviewed in the course of this study frequently drew comparisons with their own experiences of education and found the Scottish education system lacking. They reported boredom and indiscipline, sometimes successfully remedied by raising the academic standards. There is no suggestion of long-term disaffection or serious under-achievement but the assumption is that sustained lack of expectation and challenge would have a corrosive effect on the whole person and long-term repercussions.

The standard of education in my country might be slightly higher than ... in this country ... So, when the children come here and are put in at the same level with the children here, they find the work they are doing ... is like repetition of what they've already covered.

[He] was being a bit mischievous in class, he was disturbing other kids ... He said they are giving me too simple things to do, so I phoned the teacher and said can you give him challenging maths, like things that ... make him think. When they tried that he was concentrating ... instead of talking to other children ... Maybe [they underestimated his abilities] because the teachers have not dealt with children from maybe my country. They wouldn't know the standard of education there and maybe they just look down upon that kind of culture or country. And then maybe ... the children were not well assessed.

Furthermore, there was concern about policies of containing, rather than educating, pupils and about the impact of inadequate or inappropriate advice. One parent in particular made connections between the danger of schools imparting ill-considered advice and the spiral of disadvantage. She spoke of the lasting damage such approaches could inflict on children as well as communities, outlining how lack of parental awareness and understanding on the one hand and a tendency to prejudge children on the other could potentially undermine the child, negate potential and perpetuate disadvantage. Deliberately or inadvertently, such processes uphold barriers and prevent fluid transition and progress.

The head teacher had just started at that school. And she actually said to me, 'Look it's a can of worms because' ... the kids are coming from a so-called deprived area. Get them through the system with minimum disruption ... it wasn't even about trying to build up the children to be interested in education, it was more about 'as long as they're going through the system that's all we can do.'

They might even be advised that this one is not going to go very far, after fourth year they'd better leave school ... rather than saying regardless of your background ... we want to bring out the best in you. Part of it is like gate keeping ... They're trying to slot kids into the places rather than what is in the best interests of that child ... it would especially affect anyone who is disadvantaged, either ... informationwise or educationwise. Or even if you're coming from a [different] culture ... where there is the expectation that the school knows, I'm sorry for you if you are in this country.

The overall impression gained was of widespread disenchantment with the disinterest shown by teaching staff, the low standards of education and the limited demands made on pupils. Limited expectations were thought to manifest themselves in the lack of stimulation offered to pupils, in inappropriate guidance or unhelpful advice, in the paucity of academic work both at home and in school. Such curtailed ambition was attributed to teachers' lack of understanding of other education systems and different cultures, poor assessment skills, insensitivity to minority issues, and a general lack of experience in working with diverse groups. It was contradicted, however, by one parent/teacher who acknowledged the numerous factors at work in determining ambition or disaffection amongst all pupils but thought her school would 'expect as much from the Asian pupils as we expect from the other ones'.

I was a lecturer before I came over here ... to do my doctorate degree ... In the department where I went into, they knew that ... but nobody accepted that. Not until some of my publications arrived in the department and then someone ... said 'well, you are really qualified'. ...So if it can happen at my level, you can imagine what happens to the children.

The interviews also revealed alarming levels of prejudice and blatant stereotyping which not only cause hurt but also cloud core questions about pupil potential and identity.

They've thought she needed special treatment, special food, and I said 'why would she? She's [from this city]' [And the school replied] 'look at her, you know, she's dark.'

I was asked if my children had diseases ... 'because they're West African and these diseases, you know, like sickle cell anaemia ...'

They didn't think she was literate and I said 'why would she not be literate?' And they said 'is she yours?' And I said 'in as much as I'm her mother, yes.' 'Yes, but is she yours or did you adopt her?' 'I said 'she's mine' ... and apparently she was doing something differently because different schools have different practices.

One of the teachers actually suggested basketball to her, as a career, and she does biomedical sciences because she's very scientifically minded ...

Moreover, parents complained that they were under-informed and not sufficiently consulted on matters of their children's progress. Lack of expectation was thought to be frequently expressed obliquely by teachers, and parents' difficulties in communicating with them can be traced across this chapter under different headings. Speaking of strategies for raising minority ethnic pupil attainment, Gillborn and Mirza (2000) identify, inter alia, the importance of 'developing and communicating high expectations accompanied by a clear view that underperformance by any group is unacceptable'.

I wouldn't say I was quite happy with his attainment at all, the reason being I always attributed to the fact he probably doesn't work as hard as he should, but I really don't know, as I said ... there's nobody really I can speak to.

A few weeks before the exam the computer teacher came and told my daughter 'You don't have to sit for computer studies because you won't get the grades'... There was no conversation between me and the school.

She said 'Well, I don't think she can do it' I said 'Excuse me, so what are you doing to raise that target? And why ... did you wait for a whole year for me to find out, why didn't you inform me that the child needed extra support? I could have put something in earlier, months ago ... Why am I told at the year end?'

8.3.8 Racist incidents and bullying

The existence of racism as a consistent aspect of life for minority ethnic children in Scotland is documented in a study of young people in Glasgow. Hampton (1998) found that racism occurs on a daily basis and in a variety of contexts, 'younger members (of society) were more likely to confront overt forms of racism, mostly at educational institutions and on the street'. They further stated that 'incidents that were regularly viewed as trivial by those in authority often had disastrous effects on both individual and community relations'. The parent interviews in this study corroborate these findings, revealing disturbing examples of overt and covert racism. More disturbingly, however, they illuminate the depth of minority ethnic resignation and the occasionally serious inadequacy of teacher response. Yet whilst there is a clear understanding of their rights and the school's duties, the realisation that these do not necessarily confer protection from racism is illustrated by the parent who thought of herself as 'lucky in that sense ... [only] a little bit of bullying and name calling' because the school had dealt with it efficiently.

When he just started there he was sort of bullied by others where he would have people sticking cigarettes in his bag and burning his bag and things like that, but those were simple things where you think this is what happens, one could say oh that's serious but you know those are things - it's like everyday life for us.

They took him up and chucked him in the urinal ... then they started punching his stomach ... he went up to see the headteacher and he met her on the way and said 'Ma'am I need to speak to you because I've just been beaten up' and she turned around and said 'I'm really sorry I've got a class waiting on me.'

Parent perceptions of racism in their children's lives are, on the whole, under-researched, although parents contributing to this study spoke articulately and expansively of their impressions and experiences. Unlike many of the teacher contributors, however, they did not overall identify racist incidents as the principal theme; this suggests that although parents are painfully aware of the presence of racism in their children's lives, and to some extent even take it for granted, they look beyond the incident to the processes of dealing with, overcoming and countering racism. It is interesting to note that the majority of teachers interviewed about race equality emphasised racial harassment, yet did not rate it as a significant element of minority ethnic pupils' experiences, preferring instead to generalise and diffuse the concept by talking about bullying, whereas parents who were unambiguous about the impact of racism on their children, and clearly distinguished between racism and bullying, tended to stress wider matters of race equality. Other studies (Kelly, 1989, 1991 and 1994) have shown up the disparity between pupil and teacher perceptions of racism, and this too is borne out by this study (see questionnaire data and pupil interviews). Overall, the reluctance of many practitioners to recognise the pervasiveness and the impact of racism in minority ethnic lives appears to lag significantly behind parent understanding and analysis of the picture.

They equate bullying with racism and that's wrong, bullying and racism are two different things ... I said 'it's not bullying, it's racism, and that's far more serious.'

In discussing racism, respondents raised a number of issues. Parents were not demanding special treatment but have a right for their children to be protected by the school. Schools need to take on that responsibility by ensuring anti-racist practice and insisting on positive behaviour, and they need to see it through. They were perceived as demanding and difficult whenever they spoke up to ensure their children's safety and wellbeing. (More discussion in home-school chapter around parents being labelled as difficult.)

It's not special treatment ... my kids have to feel safe when they're in your school ... They started pushing it. 'You're asking for the impossible' ... [but] what I want is my child to come to the school and go away home without being afraid, without being attacked.

Teachers must ensure that victimised children are protected from blame for the incident. There was acknowledgement of the range of factors that come into play in any victimisation process resulting in certain personalities appearing to 'attract' unwelcome attention. Whilst it is tempting to ask why certain minority ethnic children are targeted more than others, teachers must be clear about not blaming the victim. (There is also some relevant discussion of this in the section on pupil peer relationships).

Sometimes you can have two black children in the school: one gets it and one doesn't. So [they assume] we must be doing right somewhere with this one, this one is the problem one. But they don't know the issues like … round personality, and stuff like that which might make the people want to do more to one child and not another.

Children who grow up in this country were thought to have fewer problems with racism than children who do not go through the primary system here. This was attributed to the former children's familiarity with the 'rules' and their ability to avert or deal with racism on the one hand and to their peers' perception of integration and likeness. For one contributor, strong peer relationships, not being singled out and the absence of major racist experiences can all assist children to deal with racial abuse. (See also pupil peer relations).

My older children ... some of them had problems to do with racial harassment ... so I had to go to school at one point. But I think the ones who started primary school here, they get along well and also I think they know how to protect themselves.

They had maybe more comments than they would have expected in the normal - after the September 11 incident - you know when people were just making comments. But again that's just something that is to be expected, it was a general atmosphere at the time ... They just ignored it. I think because they have good friends within the school and because they hadn't really experienced severe racism, or something that would bother them particularly they knew that it would pass ... but it is hurtful at the time.

On the other hand, where parents found the schools anticipating, preventing and recognising racial tensions, rather than merely reacting in the wake of an incident, they took a favourable view of school management. This is supported by Ofsted (1999) looking at the need for proactive as well as reactive measures from teachers and for teachers to initiate openness and discussion. Pupils appeared to be encouraged to report incidents if they felt teachers would be receptive and take action, and some schools were praised for responding effectively to racist incidents. In general, schools were perceived to be disinterested in getting involved with events off the school premises, but those who do extend their influence beyond the school gates to successfully deal with racist incidents were appreciated for their proactive stance.

Whatever they do [outside the school gates] will reflect on the school and [the headteacher] will not have it.

Things like someone was racist on the bus ... and then ... the kids went and reported it. [The headteacher] would then take the child to task and ... called the parents in.

The teachers have made it clear that if there should be any racism there ... they should report it immediately and since we've been here, we had a few problems initially but nothing offensive now ... I reported one incident to the headmaster of my primary school child and she dealt with it immediately.

8.3.9 School ethos and leadership

Campbell et al (2001) note that 'an understanding of ethnic diversity and anti-racism are widely seen as essential components of inclusive schooling. This is true regardless of whether minority ethnic group are a significant part of a school's population.' Yet schools across the country range widely in their commitment to anti-racist practice. Historically, the need to promote equal opportunities has been equated with the presence of minority ethnic pupils in the classroom. The reverse of this is, of course, the self-granted dispensation to ignore race issues as being irrelevant where the pupils are all white. Many parents believed that good practice largely continues to reflect demographic patterns. Where schools traditionally have an ethnically diverse pupil intake they were seen as more likely to have the incentive, experience and inclination to embrace social justice issues in general and race equality in particular. Whilst this works in their favour it also has the potential to accelerate minority ethnic intake thus creating ghettos and further polarising communities along ethnic and social lines. Access to good, inclusive schools, therefore, remains a problem for many families who happen to live in the 'wrong' catchment area.

It's not fair on my children if I don't live in [X] then I don't get the same treatment. I don't have the choice.

[School X] is being used as a dumping ground for black and ethnic minorities. Because most of the parents are students ... the school has this mixture of pupils. But if you decide to live in another part [of town], then you will find that your child will be in a minority seriously and a lot of these schools will not cope with it, they cannot cope with it ... they haven't been trained to do so. [School X has] a big experience because they've had to cope with it.

Positive leadership was identified as a cornerstone of a positive school ethos by parents. Engaged headteachers have the capacity to foster good practice by being clear about priorities and allocating time, staff and resources in pursuit of social justice. Parents spoke warmly of headteachers whom they perceived as committed to an anti-racist ethos and described how such leadership permeated the whole school, but, equally, held those who tolerated racism responsible for the consequences. In the absence of commitment to social inclusion and appropriate initiative on the part of the headteacher any drive for equality is left to the goodwill of individual teachers. It is difficult to imagine, however, how any teacher could successfully impart a strong and positive message against a background of indifference or indeed hostility from senior management and other colleagues.

I am aware that it happens and there has been some, some very good practice and some bad, I suppose, ranging from ... the staff or the senior staff building ethos or culture of acceptance and some quality if you like right the way through to some senior members of staff believing that there is not a problem, that racism doesn't happen.

The headteacher of that school is really, really, is a very wonderful lady ... she never tolerated any type of discrimination at all.

We need to train the staff, we need to train the teachers and more or like you know on the top, it's the head teacher. Because if it comes from the head they follow, if it doesn't come from the head nobody is going to bother.

She was persecuted mercilessly ... Even the headmaster, the school was put under discipline, it was investigated and he actually had a nervous breakdown ... It was his own fault because he tolerated racism in his school.

Although predominantly white schools, especially, were seen to lack the motivation to pursue race equality and play down differences, viewing them as curricular items rather than values integrated in the whole school ethos, there was praise for those headteachers who firmly located their institutions in a wider social and global context regardless of their ethnic composition.

I asked the head teacher ... do you have any black children in this school? She said no ... [but] these kids are going to grow up in a world that is diverse. So although we don't have any black children in the school we have to have that education that it is not an all white world. So that's an example of a forward thinking head teacher.

There is ample evidence that pupils' experiences are determined by complex factors relating to social class, ethnicity, nationality, faith, gender, location and so on, and it is impossible to anticipate which combination of criteria will be pertinent for any one pupil at any given time. Seen in conjunction with the impossibility to fully regulate the dynamics of individual pupil and teacher relationships, the variation in commitment to an inclusive school ethos across Scotland (documented in Arshad and Diniz, 1999) raises serious concerns about the reliable delivery of equitable education across Scotland.

I just wish that ... the school were able to deliver more on its promises.

8.3.10 Minority ethnic teachers, teacher training and professional development

The largely mono-ethnic composition of staff rooms in Scottish schools was remarked upon, reflecting parental concerns over their children's self-image as they grow up in a predominantly white environment. Respondents commented on the positive role minority ethnic teachers could play in pupils' lives and, indeed, acknowledged the difference it could make to them as parents. And although the focus was on the inspirational effect of seeing minority ethnic adults in positions of authority for minority ethnic children and young people, it seems equally important to recognise the significance this may have for majority ethnic pupils, parents and staff.

What's missing here is the role model, what's missing here is seeing a black teacher.

I strongly feel that, particularly [in this predominantly white authority], that there should be more ethnic minority workers, parents, other workers in schools where they would break down barriers in all issues, language cultural, everything, I think that would be such a benefit to the children and the parents would be able to approach the school without having this fear behind them.

Minority ethnic teachers were perceived to hold posts supplementary to mainstream teaching, such as EAL and assistant staff, and minority ethnic professionals who qualified outside the UK were thought to face difficulties in having their qualifications recognised in Scotland. Unlike their children, who observed the racist treatment of minority ethnic teachers in their schools (see Chapter 6 on pupils), parents did not, on the whole, dwell on the reality of professional life for minority ethnic staff and only two contributors explicitly adddressed issues of status, mainstreaming and promotion.

[Bringing in more minority ethnic teachers] is an important thing, encouraging and facilitating the way for more teachers, and promoted posts as well, from ethnic minority background so there can be role models for children from that background.

In addition to calling for minority ethnic teaching staff, respondents raised the need to cultivate an atmosphere of consciousness and understanding amongst teachers. In much the same way as parental input relates to human interaction elsewhere in this Chapter, parents here identified the impulse for change only to a lesser extent in the mechanisms and structures which underpin the development of social inclusion. Instead, the focus was on education to engage minds and foster empathy amongst teachers. Reference was made to the support required for those willing, but unable, to translate good intentions into good practice. Largely, parents lamented race issues not being taken seriously and, indeed, denied. Students, newly qualified and experienced teachers alike require expert training to raise awareness, provide information and encourage ongoing enquiry. The imposition of race equality policies and procedures may send out necessary signals, but only equipping staff to scrutinise their own practices and supporting them in developing their thinking is likely to bring about genuine commitment to good practice and enable teachers to communicate this to their pupils.

They have the structures in place, but I don't know how we could get the headteachers and the teachers ... especially when [there are] issues like racism, bullying and harassment, to get them on the ball ... if something then happens, it's always quickly on the defence.

I'm not saying that all teachers are really racist or whatever, there are those who really want to see racial equality but they are not aware of how to go about it.

Some of the colleges of education ... include in their courses ... for new teachers ... training or educating about bilingualism and ... inclusion in general and having children from ethnic minorities in their classes ... Giving the opportunity for all teachers to be aware of issues. So they won't be judging children from names or colours ...

Parents noted defensiveness amongst some schools and staff, a tendency to distance themselves from equality initiatives and rely instead on their own approaches. Where training remains optional, much depends on the culture of the institution, enabling those who operate in an open and engaged environment to further pursue their interests and continue to learn, whilst allowing those reluctant to challenge themselves to opt out and distance themselves even further. Ultimately, the chance to withdraw from training and development means that established patterns are perpetuated. However, one contributor who favoured practical advice rather than discussion, considered that although training was a step in the right direction, attitudes would not easily change. The implication here appears to be that the subject of diversity and social justice is too enormous to tackle, that the need for meaningful reflection is almost too much to expect of teachers.

Many times when we have gone for in-service days and courses, [unclear word or passage] materials taken and nobody is interested in reading them, they are just left or [people are] very indifferent, they say no, that does not exist here, at all. As a teacher myself I face a lot of problems at times, you know, because of either my colour or whatever.

The cultural awareness training wasn't mandatory ... So I think until and unless something is mandatory you cannot send a message across to all staff. So [those] who came were receptive already ... so therefore it was easy to talk to them but the difficulty lies outside those ... people, I believe, because those who didn't [attend] lack awareness.

They have refused [the local Racial Equality Councils'] offer of training ... and said they will do it in-house. They haven't the knowledge, neither the experience to do this sort of training in-house, because they know nothing about racism.

It certainly raises the issue. But I think these kind of things if they are going to go ahead they have to be planned very, very carefully so that all discussions, that take a meaningful, useful, practical ... if we're having a meeting about disabled pupils, for example, I would rather have somebody coming in giving me practical advice as to what I should be doing as opposed to discussing the issue. And I think this is something we lack.

8.3.11 Curriculum, subjects, resources and activities

Whilst there was some discussion around the limited subject choices available to all pupils, most contributors chose to focus on race, diversity and multiculturalism. Some parents who were satisfied with the multicultural activities at their children's schools did not raise any concerns about the curriculum and gave credit to the schools for attempting to instill inclusive values in their pupils.

His particular school does quite a lot, they try ... they have even a diversity day every year ... most children participate and all parents are invited, and people from the community are invited and it's a big thing the whole evening and they perform from different countries and things like that. They do try.

However, a selective multiculturalism, played according to numbers, is also in place. Parents complained of multiculturalism being presented as relevant only to minority ethnic families and therefore frequently practised only when minority ethnic pupils are present. It is seen as optional and more widely taught in primary schools where time and curriculum pressures are thought to be less intense than at secondary level. Although parents did not generally speak in terms of anti-racist education, they appealed for principles of equality and inclusion to permeate all teaching. There was criticism of the manner in which race issues were approached as discrete items on the teaching agenda and minority ethnic pupils portrayed as requiring special attention.

For me it's not [about] having a race awareness week but having issues round diversity throughout the curriculum. You know how they are always saying we don't have time? ... [but] it's not [about] wanting you to have time ... it's more: how are you teaching your history, how are you teaching your modern languages, how are teaching your science?... what I have a problem with is the fact that we've got to be special, we want to be different, we want to have our own special time; no we don't, we want to be the mainstream, in there ... so when you're talking of a white inventor you also talk of a Chinese inventor and an African inventor, because they invented the things, not because of ... who they were.

[A secondary teacher] said we haven't got enough children ... there is no need. And I said you have more need to address it so that general awareness is raised and ... tolerance.

There was a Muslim staff in the school, while she was there they celebrated Eid. She's left now ... and I know when I leave ... I think they'll stop celebrating Diwali as well. But it shouldn't be - they should carry on celebrating these festivals.

Primary are more receptive ... [the secondary teachers] said 'we don't have time for extra activities.'

Persistent stereotyping, lack of critical thought and racism in resources and activities were also cited as examples of bad practice and parents called for the curriculum and resources to be more culturally relevant to their children and more reflective of contemporary society.

My child ... is a beautiful singer ... At the school Christmas concert she was chosen to do reading. I said 'why isn't she an angel?', because all the angels were singers and the headmaster said 'she doesn't look like an angel.'

[When the school librarian gave her daughter 'Little Black Sambo' the parent asked if she was] aware this book is banned, and she said 'But it's not hurting the children.'

They said it was an anti-racist play and it was the most racist thing I've seen in ten years and it put this place back in its programme ... they got a lot of money to do it.

They need to have role models, they need to relate to some of the things so they can conceptualise the concepts that are being taught. But if it is something that only reflects the majority culture, I think they will find it very hard to understand.

What I would expect is maybe inclusion of materials to reflect every culture ... the materials are written against different cultures ... [the pupils] find it very difficult because they don't relate to this.

8.3.12 Learning support, bilingualism and EAL

Despite the close association of EAL and MCARE and the connections drawn by many teachers, parents did not devote much time to discussing bilingualism. However, where the matter was raised, it tended to be in relation to difficulties around communication with and within schools, stereotyping and conflict within families. The misdiagnosis of children's abilities, equating the need for learning support with linguistic difficulties, was attributed to ignorance and prejudicial assessments and shown to damage both self-perception and relations with others.

I made [sure] that teacher understood that this child needs a learning support because I'm not happy with the way he is progressing in his language. The next week an English as a Second Language teacher was sitting beside my son and he was in second year. And that was a disaster, he was so embarrassed, you can imagine ... and my son was in fits and he came and blamed me ... To make sure [my son] understood ... [the teacher spoke] to him slowly and whatever and [he's] been in this country since the nursery. So misunderstood, stereotyping, you know, just the name, whatever ... I felt really, really bad ... And if I had the choice I'd take my son from that headmaster and that school.

There was an [Arab] child who was writing the wrong way, they put him in for remedial. He'd just come from Egypt and they put him in for remedial teaching ... [the teacher said] 'He goes the wrong way!'

Negative teacher attitudes to home languages largely continue to be communicated to parents. Non-European languages are often not valued and families are dissuaded from using them at home. Parents lament the impact this has on their children who, in addition to wishing to blend in, note the low status attached to their home language and seek to distance themselves from it.

My daughter used to speak in Arabic ... she'd start a story half in English half in Arabic ... And I'd been advised by one ... to speak to her [in] English because I'm confusing her, which is rubbish .... when I say yes I have English as a second language but my children have been here long enough, I don't see English as a second language for them.

They know this child is bilingual, this child speaks two or three languages but teachers never make a time to say OK [and give praise].

They do feel negative toward [our home language] ... the little one, even though I try to speak she will not respond and she will not listen.

8.4 The views of parents of children with SEN

8.4.1 Background

Little explicit recognition of the views of minority ethnic parents of disabled children is present in much of the SEN research that has been funded by the Scottish Executive over the past decade. However, the evidence that is available has reported that such parents were severely under-represented in making decisions about their children, had little knowledge of assessment procedures and complained that professionals had low expectations of them (Ahmad et al, 1998; Chamba et al, 1999; Curnyn et al, 1991; Emerson and Azmi, 1997; Flynn, 2002; Stalker, 2000). Three recent national policy reports have demonstrated a welcome shift in thinking concerning service provision for minority ethnic disabled children and their families (see 2.8.16 in this report). This is most clearly illustrated in the report of the Scottish Parliament Inquiry into SEN, which stated:

Racial equality issues are not given sufficient consideration and black and minority ethnic families are disadvantaged by insufficient information and an inequitable distribution of resources. There is a shortage of bilingual Educational Psychologists and evidence from MELDI indicates that schools are generally not inclusive of children's culture, background and experiences, or that of their parents. (SP, 2001, Para. 41)

8.4.2 Participation

The parents who agreed to participate said that they wished their story to be heard so that other families would have a better experience in future. These are families who have developed resilience through networking with other minority ethnic families in MELDI and they are also more likely to have the social capital, particularly educational, language and social skills to deal with mainstream professionals and institutions. Despite their own struggles, they are very conscious of the serious marginalisation experienced by other families who are less privileged than themselves. All the participants expressed support for research that was linked directly to improving provision for their children and their families. Although they were very appreciative of the interest and support received from MELDI, they acknowledged that the researchers could not deliver solutions. They also seemed surprised, or less under pressure, to be interviewed by minority ethnic researchers.

Given the small sample involved, these findings cannot be regarded as evidence of the state of SEN provision generally. In the absence of evidence from other sources, such as school inspection reports from HMIE, the views of the parents who took part carry some powerful messages. Analysis of the interview data indicated that this small group of parents shared many of the concerns that were expressed by parents of non-disabled pupils. However, they also had specific issues relating to ethnicity, culture and race equality in SEN provision; their views are summarised below, under four themes.

8.4.3 Awareness of social inclusion and anti-racism discourses

As a group, they showed an awareness of the national discourse on social inclusion in Scotland and of racism as a feature within the education system and society in Scotland. All had experienced the tensions of having to deal with 'disability' and 'ethnicity' and of being caught between the two. They felt that SEN provision concentrated on 'disability', leaving 'ethnicity' (culture, language, religion) for the family to deal with. This was aparticular issue in special schools, where minority ethnic disabled children were the 'only one in the school or class'. They thought special schools ignored the cultural and religious needs of their children and only concentrated on the child's disability.

" They expect us to deal with our customs at home".

8.4.4 Home-school links

Active partnership between school and home is particularly important for the education of children who are disabled or are experiencing significant difficulties in learning. Indeed 'parent-partnership' is often portrayed as the cornerstone of best practice in the field of SEN. All parents wanted to actively participate in their children's education and had suggestions for improvement but were rarely asked. They felt that all minorities are treated 'the same', as a burden who should feel grateful for services or as troublemakers if they assert their rights.

On the surface they seem to be welcoming but when your child enters the system they are so distant, really, it's like you as a parent are not part of your child's education at all. They take the decisions which affect him without consulting you. And when you go and complain and find out why this has been put in place then they are no longer welcoming. They see you as a problem.

When you ask questions about what you want for your child you don't feel that this is a right thing to have. They make you feel that it is a favour. I think this is deliberate, to make you feel you are a minority and you should accept what you get and be satisfied. It is racism. There is no respect. Many of my friends talk about this as well.

8.4.5 School curriculum, ethos and leadership

All the parents were anxious about their children's schooling. They wanted them to succeed in learning and to preserve their culture and faith. Parents of children who were in mainstream schools complained about the invisibility and lack of understanding of issues of cultural, linguistic and religious diversity, especially Islam, in the curriculum.

Why don't they teach her about her religion and why don't they teach Arabic? She has to do this as extra on Saturday. Why does the school not do this?

Racist language and bullying is something that all parents spoke about. They worried about the personal safety of their children in and outside schools. None of the parents had knowledge of a school policy on race equality and there was a feeling that these policies are only there "in case there are problems".

All the parents praised the efforts of individual class teachers but there was less support for headteachers and managers. In one case, relations had clearly broken down between the mother and school and local authority managers, whom she regarded as remote: "they only make the decisions far away and block positive things the teachers are trying to do".

8.4.6 Access to specialist services

This is an area that drew the most comment. There is continuing dissatisfaction with the nature and accessibility of specialist services. Parents remain unconvinced that the specialist services in health, social work and education, that are meant to cater for their disabled children, are designed to take account of their ethnic, cultural and religious differences. They commented favourably on the work of MELDI and expressed the need for a specialist service/unit specifically dedicated to support minority ethnic parents. Why, they asked, are there very few, if any, teachers, support staff, psychologists etc. from diverse language and ethnic backgrounds?

8.5 Conclusions

8.5.1 Human relationships were at the forefront of parental concerns. Reflections on home-school interactions explored issues of power, responsibility and dialogue. The quality of communication was largely seen to be dependent on the schools' approachability, awareness of barriers to communication and readiness to initiate discussion and engage with parents as active partners. Similarly, there was recognition of the value and impact of good, supportive relations between teachers and pupils, of children's friendships and of the potential for damage from disinterested or antagonistic teachers and pupils.

8.5.2 Parents spoke of issues arising from their desire to protect their children, either in relation to the school or in terms of wider questions of racism. Conflict at school was shown to have the potential to create complex stresses between family members. Parents also spoke of the possible tensions between their own ethics on the one hand and the practical need to teach their children survival skills on the other. The different life experiences within families of mixed ethnic backgrounds and their impact on identification, allegiance and perspective were also discussed.

8.5.3 The need to assert identity in the face of the widespread ethnocentricity of the majority society was emphasised. Schools need to look critically at conscious or subconscious messages sent out by staff, at the quality of their resources, at curriculum content and the way it is conveyed and at underlying structures which undermine the quest for equality. Parents called for race equality to permeate education at all levels rather than be considered an optional add-on.

8.5.4 Race equality was not equated with racist incidents. Parents were vocal about their sorrow and condemnation of racism and called on teachers to send out unequivocal messages to the entire school community, both within and outside the school premises. Parents distinguished between bullying and racial harassment and although there was praise for those schools which had worked to fight racism, some parents sadly took racist abuse for granted. Race equality was perceived in broader terms in that parents spoke of the need to foster a positive self-image in children, to create and maintain an inclusive and socially just environment and to challenge deficit and tokenistic models of cultural awareness. There was also a call for equal opportunities to be reconsidered as relevant to all, rather than being solely in the domain of minority ethnic groups, and for schools to be proactive, not reactive.

8.5.5 Examples of strong, affirmative headteachers were given, illustrating the difference committed leadership could make to schools. A positive school ethos, communicated from the top, was thought necessary if the whole school was to take race equality forward. Parents raised the need for all schools, regardless of their ethnic composition, to recognise and value diversity. Teachers were thought to require training to equip them to work appropriately with diverse classes. Increasing the number of minority ethnic teachers was seen to have the potential to send out positive messages to the whole school community and provide role models for minority ethnic pupils. The onus for change and implementation of good practice must not be left with minority ethnic parents but be seen as a common goal of benefit to all.

8.5.6 Parents of children with SEN, who were interviewed in this study, shared many of the concerns of other minority ethnic parents. They expressed a strong desire to ensure that their children are valued for who they are, that they are safe and that they will learn. However, they also remain unconvinced that the specialist services in health, social work and education, that are meant to cater for their disabled children, are designed to take account of their ethnic, cultural and religious differences. Their comments reflect the same issues that have been reported in the literature referred to earlier ((Ahmad, et al, 1998; Almeida Diniz, 1997; Chamba, et al, 1999; Curnyn et al, 1991; Emerson and Azmi, 1997). It is important to recognise that these were parents who had found an avenue to voice their concerns through their contact with MELDI and that their views may not generally represent those of other families across Scotland. In the absence of in-depth research data, this is the best indication available.

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