The Scottish Government

« Previous | Contents | Next »

Listen

NATIONAL 'ENGLISH FOR SPEAKERS OF OTHER LANGUAGES' (ESOL) STRATEGY
MAPPING EXERCISE AND SCOPING STUDY

CHAPTER THREE THE LEARNERS

INTRODUCTION

3.1 This chapter presents findings from the Learners' questionnaire, and from the five focus group discussions held in Glasgow, Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Dumfries. The purpose of the questionnaire was to collect data on the demographic profiles of different types of ESOL learners, their reasons for and experience of learning English and their views of existing provision. Questionnaires were sent to ESOL managers Colleges and Community Education centres as well as to Voluntary organisations in early to mid June 2004. Managers were asked to distribute packs of questionnaires to class teachers and to request that the class teachers administer the questionnaire in class time. As the survey team could not directly select the classes for the questionnaire we asked managers to try to ensure that all classes that met on two consecutive days of the week received the questionnaire.

3.2 Each student received a letter explaining the purpose of the questionnaire, a copy of the questionnaire and an envelope. Each class teacher was given a set of instructions for administering the questionnaire and also asked to complete a reply form indicating the level of the class and any queries ¹⁵. Students placed their completed questionnaires in sealed envelopes and managers posted the packs of completed questionnaire to the Survey Team.

3.3 As explained in Chapter One, translations were provided in seven languages (French, Arabic, Bengali, Hindi, Urdu, Turkish and Chinese) but delays in the production of the translations meant that some were sent out after the mailing of the questionnaires, and some centres did not receive translations before the end of term. As a result, we are aware that beginners and learners with low ESOL literacy may be underrepresented in our sample.

3.4 The Focus Groups were organised through ESOL managers. We asked for specific groups of learners (advanced, intermediate or beginners). Two centres let us use class time for focus group discussions; elsewhere, we were dependent on the goodwill of students agreeing to take part in the focus groups in their own time. Consequently, the size of groups varied from 3 to 11. For one group an interpreter was employed. Focus group discussions were audio-taped and partially transcribed.

WHO ARE THE LEARNERS?

3.5 4,500 questionnaires were sent out and a total of 1,496 questionnaires were returned. 498 respondents were male and 964 female. 34 omitted to give their gender. The total number presented in Tables 1 to 4 represents the number of respondents for the relevant question.

3.6 Table 3.1 shows that over 70% of learners responding to the survey are in the 20-39 age groups, with 38% aged between 20 and 29.

Table 3.1 Age and gender of learners (percentages)

3.7 Table 3.2 shows that the region of origin for the largest group of learners was East Asia, followed by the Near East. 100 nationalities were represented amongst the learners who responded. More than 50 respondents came from each of Afghanistan, China, Congo, Hong Kong, Iran, Iraq, Pakistan, Somalia, Spain and Turkey. 91 languages were named as first languages.

Table 3.2 Region of origin

Table 3.3 Length of time in the UK

3.8 Nearly one-third of respondents had been living in the UK for less than a year and more than one-third for between 1 and 3 years, as Table 3.3 shows. 430 (29%) had lived here for over 3 years (12% for more than 5 years). The average length of stay in the UK at the time of the survey was 3 years and five months.

Table 3.4: Main reason for learners coming to the UK

3.9 From this data, we derived three main categories of learner as shown in Table 3.5:

Table 3.5 3 categories of learner

Note: 12 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer

Categories 1 and 2 are fairly porous, as - increasingly - students work, and migrants may also become students. We also did not distinguish between EU migrants and members of settled ethnic minority communities. We considered it useful to group learners in this way, as needs, preferences and expectations as regards English language learning are likely to differ amongst learners more according to the circumstances of their arrival here than according to their country of origin.

Table 3.6 First language literacy according to learner category

(a) Can you read in your first language?

Note: 27 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer

(b) Can you write in your first language?

Note: 37 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer

3.10 Of the total sample 95% said they could read in their first language, and 93% said they could write. By category, 10% of refugees and asylum-seekers said they could not write in their first language, compared to 4% of migrants ¹⁶ 85% had attended post-elementary education (high school to university), and 66% had completed their education at high school level or above. Table 3.7 shows that there were no differences between male and female attendance at different levels of education - although differences in educational attainment are more obvious among the different categories of learner (Table 3.8).

Table 3.7 Level of education attended by gender

Note: 112 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer.

Table 3. 8 Level of education completed according to gender and category

Note: 44 respondents were excluded from categories.

Table 3. 9 Employment status by gender and by category

Note: 73 respondents either excluded from categories or did not answer.

3.11 Table 3.9 shows that 50% stated they were either in work, volunteering or seeking work and another 31% were asylum-seekers barred from seeking work. Only five refugees were in full-time employment, while 14 had part-time jobs. Just over one-third of migrants had full or part-time jobs and 29% of this group were not seeking work. Of the total who responded, a very small proportion (2%) were retired, and 17% said they were not seeking work.

Table 3.10 Learners' family situations by category

Note: Multiple answers.

3.12 Around half of the migrants and refugees/ asylum-seekers had young children, but only 20% and 25% of these respectively stated that they could call on another adult to take care of their children (Table 3.10).

Table 3.11 Fee-payers by category (Do you pay for this class?)

Note: 34 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer.

3.13 70% of respondents did not pay for their English classes and migrants and refugees were considerably less likely to pay (Table 3.11).

LANGUAGE LEARNING EXPERIENCES

3.14 What has been their language learning experience, and how do they feel about it? This section describes the data collected from the learners about their experience of learning English, their perceived needs and aspirations, their difficulties in maintaining their attendance as well as their views of the way lessons are organised and conducted.

Table 3.12 Length of time in English classes in UK

Note: 125 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer.

3.15 From the total sample, most respondents had been attending English classes for a year or less (61%), at the time of the Survey (June 2004 - the end of the academic year for most). Of the others, only 15% had been in English classes for 2 years or more. As Table 3.12 indicates, however, 47% of refugees and asylum-seekers had been attending classes for more than 1 year, compared to 31% of migrants and only 23% of students.

3.16 The average gap between arrival in the UK and starting English classes (according to findings from the Learners' questionnaire) was 2 years. There were significant differences amongst categories - 6 _ years for migrants, 5 _ months for students, 16 months for refugees.

Figure 3.1 Length of time in UK and length of time in English Class (months)

Figure 3.1 illustrates that amongst learners who had arrived in the UK within the previous 6 months, just over half had joined an English class within the first 3 months. In the cohort which had been living in the UK for 1-2 years, the largest group is made up of those studying English for a year or less. This pattern of "slippage" becomes more pronounced for people in the next three cohorts. Amongst those who arrived 3-5 years before, for example, a majority had been in English classes for 2 years or less. On the other hand, while Figure 3.1 could be construed to show a healthy "throughput" of students, amongst those who had been living here the longest - 5 or more years - the biggest single group is of learners in classes for 2 or more years. In addition, 24 % of learners who had been in Britain for more than 3 years were still attending full-time English classes - and 62% of these learners were attending more than 5 hours per week.

3.17 The most common reason given for learning English was to be more independent (Table 3.13). Making friends with English-speaking people came second, closely followed by "to apply for a job or a better job". 172 gave "to study at a British university or college" or "take an English examination" as their sole reason. 120 gave "to apply for a job, or for a better job" as their only reason for learning English.

Table 3.13 Reasons for learning English by learner category

Note: multiple reasons

3.19 Table 3.13 also shows that students were more likely to choose "to apply for a job or a better job" than any other reason, while migrants and refugees were most likely to choose "to be more independent". Students and refugees were least likely to choose "help with present job", and migrants "study at a British university". Only 19% of all respondents were also studying other subjects - which may indicate a problem in gaining entry to classes while studying English.

LANGUAGE LEARNING NEEDS

3.20 Learners stated they were, on average, attending 11.47 hours of English classes each week. Here there were significant differences among the categories, as Table 3.14 makes clear. 75% of Migrants attended 10 or fewer hours of classes per week, compared to 67% of Students who attended 10 or more per week. Over 2/3 of Refugees attended between 10 and 15 hours a week. These contrasts may reflect both funding and location - refugees and students are more likely to attend College courses, where full-time (15 or 16 hours per week) are free for refugees and asylum-seekers. CE classes are also free, but hours are more limited.

Table 3.14 Hours of English classes attended per week by learner category

Note: 31 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer.

Table 3.15 Number of hours of English classes preferred according to number attended

Note: 125 respondents were either excluded from categories or did not answer.

3.21 Students would prefer, on average, 14.55 hours. However, most learners are content with the hours they have each week (Table 3.15) - except those with the lowest hours: 56% of these learners wanted more hours. 37% of learners on 5-15 hours per week wanted more hours and 18% of those spending 15-21 hours a week would have liked more hours. In all, just under one-third of learners who answered this question wanted more hours than they were currently getting.

3.22 Students interviewed in the Aberdeen focus group were working long hours as council cleaners or in restaurants, unable to attend English classes for more than 4 hours per week (at the time of this focus group, they were attending a Chinese-only class for 2 hours per week, but most expected to join a second, mixed-nationality class in September as well). They had no plans to move on to College classes, which would require more time, and fees, which they were not prepared, or able, to afford. What they wanted was to be able to continue at the Centre beyond Intermediate 2 and also to learn computing which was available at the centre but for which they had no time.

3.23 In Dumfries too most students wanted more hours of English (most were getting two hours per week) but nearly all worked and few had time for more classes, even had they been on offer. These students proposed evening classes for those in work. From the managers' questionnaire, it appears that only 20 institutions (33%) offer evening classes across Scotland.

3.24 Even students attending full-time courses in Colleges expressed the need for more hours - particularly as they had found few opportunities to use and practise English outside the class. In GCFT, students advocated immersion programmes - by which they meant highly-intensive full-time English courses involving over 21 hours per week.

BARRIERS TO REGULAR ATTENDANCE

3.25 Regular attendance at class is essential for language improvement and communicative skills development. For certain groups of learners regular attendance can be difficult. We tried to find out which these groups were.

Table 3.16 Problems preventing attendance at classes by learner category

Note: multiple answers

3.26 The largest single age group of learners was the 20-29 year-old group. Nearly half of respondents reported that they had dependent children (Table 3.10), and around 75% of these had no one either at home or elsewhere to help look after them. It is hardly surprising that the most frequent reason for non-attendance was the need to stay at home to look after children as Table 3.17 shows.

3.27 45% of respondents with dependent children had no free crèche facilities at their English class. As was noted in Chapter Two, there are often waiting lists for crèche places. Moreover, free childcare does not usually extend to school-age children either after school or on in-service days (one mother in Edinburgh complained about the British fondness for Monday holidays and for in-service days on Mondays, which disrupted her English class attendance). Students much prefer to go to class in the morning, rather than the afternoon, when children will be coming home from school. Parents with children at nurseries have to stay at home when the nursery is closed, as happened for several months during the nursery nurses strike.

3.28 How childcare is organised is also important. Some institutions are unable to offer onsite child care because of space restrictions and one teacher informant described an ESOL literacy project which foundered in part because participants had to make their own childcare arrangements, which would then be paid for by project funds. As fairly new residents of Scotland with limited contact with the community, many had found this impossible and had had to give up the class.

3.29 Women with young children are especially disadvantaged by the shortage of on-site crèche places. Women who attend a centre staffed by volunteers in Sighthill in Glasgow are in the main young with young children who have no-one to leave their children with during the day and so prefer the evening class in a nearby community centre.

3.30 Funding for childcare is limited: Stevenson College provides free crèches for some Community-based classes out of general funding. Other institutions choose not to spend on this: Glasgow College of Food Technology does not have a crèche, but does offer bus passes to students.

3.31 A mother in Edinburgh described graphically the effect of missing classes: she had had to stay at home with her daughter for three months, during the Nursery Nurses strike: "I'm forget English and she is as well - I can't speak". This made her recent return to the class another difficult time - "here again I start my class sometime my teacher asked to me some question, I say 'sorry? sorry?' - even simple questions".

3.32 In 12% of cases job commitments stopped learners from going to class. 222 respondents wrote in other reasons for non-attendance. Chief amongst these was appointments, usually with doctors or in connection with refugee status (105). Other reasons included illness (66), distance, depression, tiredness. Only a tiny number (5) mentioned the class (too easy, teachers not interested).

3.33 Although asylum-seekers and refugees we spoke to in focus groups were strongly committed to learning English and told us they valued their classes, some asylum-seekers and refugees may be unable to attend regularly or make progress in English because of their past sufferings and present anxieties, not least about their status and their future. It may also be impossible for other students who have to work full or part-time. Even local, small-scale and informal classes can be hard to attend because of more pressing concerns which make concentrating on language learning difficult. One College manager had found asylum-seeker students were unable to cope with SQA NQ ESOL Units at their level because they had missed so many classes. Another pointed out that attendance had been better when most provision was part-time and a third described attendance by asylum-seekers as "sporadic" even though the College tracked attendance. A teacher who had taught asylum-seekers at more than one college described their low morale, as they wait for a decision on their refugee status. On the other hand, teachers told us of asylum-seekers who appreciated being part of the mainstream, where they did not feel constantly reminded of their status - and whose attendance was thus not an issue.

SATISFACTION LEVELS WITH ENGLISH CLASSES

3.34 Of the 1495 respondents, a significant number are learning all the skills and topic areas. 94% are learning speaking, 90.5% writing and 86% reading

Table 3.17 Skills and topic areas learned

Note: multiple answers

Table 3.18 Skills or topics needed most by learners by learner category (rank orders)

Note 1: multiple answers Note 2: some respondents were excluded from categories

3.35 The results in Tables 3.18 and 3.19 indicate that ESOL syllabuses appear to be meeting the needs and priorities of learners: speaking, grammar, writing and listening are learned by most learners, and these are what they want to learn. This is borne out by all the focus group discussions. Many students stressed their need for speaking and listening - at all proficiency levels.

3.36 When learners were asked to provide their opinion on aspects of their English class the results were generally positive (Tables 2.13 and 2.14).

3.37 The most popular mode of learning English is in small groups (Table 3.20) - although we suspect that this may have been taken to mean small classes as well (especially as far fewer students approved of "in pairs"). For this question, respondents were asked to "tick all the answers you like". In the light of some quite strong opinions voiced by learners in focus groups about the value of coursebooks compared to worksheets, the near similarity of their rating here is worth noting. We looked at responses to this question by learners from Pakistan and China, two of the biggest nationalities represented in the sample and also countries where English has been taught in a more traditional and teacher-centred way. Apart from much greater enthusiasm for using worksheets amongst learners from Pakistan, there were no significant differences between these groups and the whole sample.

3.38 A fifth of learners would prefer a bilingual teacher. Amongst learners who assessed themselves as in need of help with English most of the time, this proportion rose to nearly a third - in fact it may be a tribute to the effectiveness of "direct method" teaching that the proportion is not higher.

Table 3.19 Preferred mode of learning

Note: multiple answers

3.39 Students who participated in the focus groups were almost all positive about their learning experiences and about the progress they had made. Beginner and intermediate level Chinese students, mostly in their 30s and 40s were recorded at a community-based ESOL class in Aberdeen. They were happy with the progress they felt they had made over the 6 months or 1 year they had been attending the class. Some had joined the class soon after arriving in the UK, others had joined after several years.

3.40 They all felt much more confident about using English:

- "I think I improve a lot - I can fill some form - I can make appointment to see doctor - I can go to the tax office by myself."

- "now when I go shopping I can speak to the shop assistant - I can go to see a doctor by myself - now when I go to my son's prize-giving I can hear what the teacher say - before I no understand."

They had a realistic view of the road ahead:

- "I think I can understand 80% talking to other people but that 20% is very important."

- "improve very very slowly."

3.41 Students in a CE class in Dumfries were also enthusiastic about their class and their teacher, although the classes were often overcrowded (frequently over 20 students, levels ranging from pre-intermediate to advanced), and the advanced students expressed a need for a higher level class where the pace would be faster.

3.42 Students at Duncan Place Resource Centre in Leith, Edinburgh, the Community-based branch of Stevenson College ESOL, have access to more classes, more resources (including computer labs) and more educational opportunities than most students in Community-based provision. 9 intermediate and advanced level students were recorded on 17 ^th June 2004. None of these students had arrived in the UK as beginners, and they had been attending classes for up to 3 years. One had decided in the airport that she needed classes, others had enrolled later, notably after the birth of a baby or once children had started school. The classes were highly valued. Most of the group attending classes in Duncan Place Resource Centre were able to attend up to 12 or 15 hours of tuition per week, although 2 who went to classes elsewhere in Edinburgh were less well-served.

3.43 On learning methods, the students in Dumfries were strongly in favour of having a coursebook, rather than worksheets. Student at the Glasgow College of Food Technology commented favourably on the use of coursebooks (which they could also take home), which was not the case in other colleges: "one of the good advantages of this College is they have a coursebook and they go by the book". The communicative methodology of English language teaching in the UK had for some been surprising at first, but they quickly found that "you don't look at the clock and you learn quickly" when you learn through games etc. "It's different, yes, but it's efficient… and it's fun as well" was the opinion of an advanced student. They also found the teachers friendly - often unlike their experience in their own countries. Of all the students questioned in focus groups, only one raised objections to the communicative method, which he felt did not suit him: at the beginning he had felt so frustrated by the teaching method, especially groupwork, that he had nearly given up (and knew others who had), and had had to drop to a lower level class.

3.44 Stevenson College students attending courses in Duncan Place Resource Centre were agreed that "it's not good to have a teacher who speaks your language", although there was disagreement over the need for bilingual teachers for beginners. However, these students had arrived in the UK with post-beginner levels of English - clearly educated to a high level in their own countries at school, college or university - so the question of bilingual support had not arisen for them.

3.45 These students were able to attend classes for 3 hours per day and had access to the computers and language lab "anytime": "here is many many facilities" and "many activities". They were learning computing, crèche worker courses (Play-base Project), as well as specific English classes in grammar and reading and writing.

3.46 When asked how they would improve ESOL provision (given unlimited funds), all students wanted more classes, or more hours - and more opportunities to practise English outwith the classroom. Aberdeen students also proposed computers; Edinburgh students wanted more childcare, more classes, including fewer mixed level classes (one student considered them a "waste of time", others saw that they could be motivating and allowed students to help each other). More than one, given unlimited funds to improve ESOL in Scotland would buy Duncan Place Resource Centre to save it from the threatened closure, which they all opposed.

COMMUNICATING IN ENGLISH OUTWITH THE CLASS

3.47 Dr Peter von Kaehne of Fernbank Medical Centre in Glasgow, asked to state what more could be done to help second language learners communicate more easily, replied: "increased opportunities to mix and mingle, improved access to work and work experience". Although this issue was not raised in the learners' questionnaire, it was discussed in all the focus groups. Students everywhere noted both the friendliness of the Scots and the limited interactions with neighbours and local shop people. Conversations tend to be brief and formulaic; conversations with neighbours stuck in the groove of "Hi" "Lovely day today, isn't it?". As most had young children and did not work, the classes provided for many their only opportunity to use English for social interaction.

3.48 Students understood only too well that classes could not give them enough exposure - in the words of one student, the class teacher could only provide 20% - the rest was up to the student. A Glasgow asylum-seeker said: "This is a big problem: we return to our houses and we speak our own languages for 20 hours". This was a major factor in slowing down his progress. He felt that only when he could start work would he be able to mix with local people and gain language practice outwith the classroom. Because of this, he was strongly of the opinion that people in his position should be allowed to work (unpaid) simply to improve their English - 3 or 4 hours a day in the College was not enough. He felt the greatest help would be some kind of immersion programme, involving work placement.

3.49 One Edinburgh student had spent a week in Sweden, on an exchange visit (organised by Stevenson College Community-based ESOL), and had benefited enormously from the experience: "I whole week I speak English because nobody know my language. I just speak English. I thought this is good for me because when I'm here I just speak English only in classes - sometime my neighbour". On the other hand, like the Aberdeen students, they all reported a big increase in confidence and independence as they could now go to the doctor, and talk to their children's teacher by themselves. They felt this had changed their lives.

3.50 On their teachers' suggestion, Edinburgh students were also watching TV news (Sky News "again and again"), children's programmes, the weather (to learn some geography of Britain too); they were using public libraries to borrow books and cassettes or to listen to story-tellers in the children's section. Others knew about and made use of computer programs, including online programs.

3.51 Elsewhere however, there seemed little awareness of, or familiarity with, such opportunities - or of activities in which students could participate in Colleges. A Glasgow ESOL manager described how integrating students, especially ESOL students, into the life of the College was almost impossible. This College had a wealth of experience of working with asylum-seekers and an excellent reputation for both ESOL classes and for developing progression routes to mainstream education and the workplace. However, the manager explained that where both parents were attending classes full-time (one in the morning and one in the afternoon) they would be unlikely to have the free time to join in other activities. Even the subsidised trips arranged by the ESOL department were not as successful as they might be in attracting this kind of student, in this manager's view.

3.52 Some Cardonald students had more pro-active neighbours, who invited students to their homes and took them on outings, and this was much appreciated. However, from discussions with other focus groups, this seems to have been unusual.

3.53 Students who work might be expected to be able to use English more or in more diverse ways: students in Edinburgh who were volunteering (one so that she would qualify for a social care course at Stevenson) did report that they got some practice and were able to some extent to cope with speed of delivery and accent. Students at Cardonald were keen for an English club, where they could meet native-speakers on equal terms, and - as well - improve their English. In Aberdeen, students mostly with pre-intermediate English were typically working in the kitchens of Chinese restaurants, in a completely Chinese-speaking environment. One had worked in an old people's home for a month, and found this did help her English. A student who worked as a part-time cleaner for the Council, therefore in an English-speaking environment, complained that she had "no time to talk" at her job. Advanced level students in Glasgow however, who had been attending classes for considerably longer (over 2 years) also encountered hurdles in their attempts to develop their language skills through or at work. One found that his job, in a takeaway pizza shop, did not give him many opportunities to develop his English - exchanges with customers and colleagues were brief and unvarying (and after 2 years he still had difficulty understanding local accents even in such simple exchanges). Another considered Scots to be virtually a separate language, although he had met who were people prepared to adapt their speech to converse with him ("pass over to English").

3.54 Since 2000, charities, voluntary organisations and churches in Glasgow have played a magnificent role in helping refugees and asylum-seekers to settle in. Organisations like Glasgow Welcomes Refugees have worked hard not only to provide material comforts but also practical help, advice and friendship. They have supplemented the meagre allowance of furniture, clothing and household equipment supplied by the local authorities and have run many support and advice centres, usually in church premises. They have also frequently helped to run English classes, or provide premises.

3.55 One of their most difficult tasks has been to find ways of integrating refugees and asylum-seekers, and organisers have reported mixed success, although the low incidence of serious clashes between local residents and refugees and asylum-seekers may be at least partly a result of their efforts. According to both ESOL practitioners and support workers, refugees and asylum-seekers, mainly housed in large groups in large housing estates, have tended on the whole to remain in their own national (and language) communities, with only superficial ties to the indigenous community. This has meant that it remains difficult for learners to find opportunities to practise English outwith the classroom.

3.56 Volunteering presents learners with an excellent opportunity, not only to practise English, but also to develop job skills. Several charities and voluntary organisations offer such opportunities, in shops (e.g. Oxfam shops) and offices. For example, Positive Action In Housing (PAIH) in Glasgow offers volunteer places (25 in July 2004) which are filled mainly by asylum-seekers. They help in the Refugee Aid Project shop, with general office work and in admin, depending on their level of English. The volunteer Project Manager for PAIH, David Reilly, remarked on how (in conjunction with English classes) "you see their confidence grow". Yet a recent report, A Way of Life: Black and Minority Ethnic Diverse Communities as Volunteers (2004) makes no mention of this development. Poor language skills, a slow rate of acquisition and social isolation all contribute to the marginalising of second language speakers.

BARRIERS TO LEARNING

3.57 While problems encountered by students in maintaining regular attendance at classes they have enrolled on have already been noted above (see Table 3.7), other factors impact on those who would like to enrol. We attempted to survey people who had not joined English classes, but found logistical problems meant only a handful of questionnaires were returned (8). Of these, two felt their English was "good enough", although both would find an Advanced class helpful now. Although both were looking for work (questionnaires were completed in Springburn Jobcentre Plus), neither ticked "English for Work" as a choice of class. Of the six who stated they still needed help with English, two were not attending classes because of ill health, two were on waiting lists and one thought a class would be too difficult. All had previously attended English classes in the UK, mostly for less than a year. These respondents were asked to choose a form of support for English language learning. Two chose a bilingual teacher, two a class near their home and two also chose an online course.

3.58 In addition to the obstacles faced by asylum-seekers detailed above, both this group and refugees are only able to access free ESOL classes if they have appropriate Home Office documentation.

3.59 Older people tend to self-select themselves out of educational provision. More than one 40-something was prepared, during focus group discussions, to describe themselves as "too old" to learn English well enough to be able to get a good job. Nevertheless the Learners' Questionnaire revealed that 22% of respondents were over 40.

3.60 Across Europe, induction programmes for migrants and refugees tend to be provided for those of employable age (e.g. Sweden). Over-25 year olds are not at present eligible for free College places via New Deal. Schemes such as the "Upward Steps" project in Aberdeen, run by Grampian Race Equality Council also exclude older people - in this case, over 35 year-olds. Amongst refugees and asylum-seekers however, in particular, 24% of whom were over 40, it is likely that there are many with professional qualifications or skills. There is anecdotal evidence that much older people (60+) are also keen to learn English, and will join classes where access is made easy and unthreatening (e.g. Dundee Khowateen Group).

3.61 Unaccompanied 15-17 year-old asylum-seekers find it difficult to get school places and Colleges are not normally able to offer places to under 16 year-olds. 16 hours per week is the maximum on offer from Colleges. Such students may be able to take some ESOL classes and then qualify for an HNC course. Currently therefore, the future opportunities of some young people are limited, and bright youngsters who could get into University are often obliged to enrol on lower-level vocational courses. Anniesland College is now piloting a full-time programme, in ESOL with IT and everyday life skills, for 16-18 year-old asylum-seekers who arrived as unaccompanied minors. This programme is funded under EQUAL/ATLAS.

3.62 Learners were asked for their views about the time of their class in the questionnaire. Perhaps unsurprisingly, over 46% were happy with the time, and under 3% were not. Colleges and Centres do their best to offer classes at times that will suit learners. One Glasgow College had changed its timetable in an effort to improve the attendance rate of its largely asylum-seeker students. These attempts are often thwarted: for example, institutions often find that morning classes are more in demand, and better attended, than afternoon classes - partly at least because children need to be collected from school around 3.00pm - but do not have the staff or the classroom accommodation to frontload the timetable.

3.63 Women with young children are especially disadvantaged by the shortage of on-site crèche places. In response to a question about what more could be done to help second language learners to communicate more easily, apart from increased ESOL provision, Dr Peter von Kaehne of Fernbank Medical Centre in Glasgow listed (amongst other things) "provision of crèche places in colleges". Only 16% of learners reported that their institution helped with free childcare. 66% of classes listed on the Glasgow ESOL Forum Directory (accessed May 2004) did not offer crèches, including several large colleges. Funding for childcare is limited, usually diverted from other sources or supported by ESF bids, and as a result is not always sustainable.

3.64 Distance has also been mentioned as an obstacle, and as a disincentive to attendance. Some Colleges provide bus passes: 670 respondents (45%) mentioned they got free transport to their class, but this frequently means the College does not spend money on free childcare (or vice versa).

3.65 Learners were asked in focus groups about their experience of racism. Very few had encountered overt racism. One Edinburgh student had been spat at by teenage boys near her home. Interestingly, she implied that it was her lack of English at that time (1 year ago), that had made her unable to retaliate in any way. A Glasgow student mentioned problems with teenagers in Sighthill, but made the point that these individuals targeted all adults in the area, regardless of colour.

3.66 A few stakeholders were questioned about the relationship between English language ability, racial harassment and - more widely - social exclusion. Dr von Kaehne spoke of "increasing difficulties to access secondary care due to increased 'waiting list management' e.g. by hospital outpatient departments sending out letters -'Please phone the hospital on following number if you really still need an appointment'." These instructions are very difficult to follow when people are functionally illiterate or do not speak English. A simple appointment card appears to be much easier to understand and to follow. "Often these letters remain unanswered due to not being understood and people subsequently are dropped off waiting-lists etc. This is a huge but largely ignored subject and has had already major negative impact. We are trying to discuss this at the moment with the relevant departments, but can not say that we had so far much success in highlighting our concerns." (von Kaehne 2/7/04).

3.67 Nina Giles, Director of Edinburgh and Lothians Racial Equality Council, urged further and higher education authorities to provide better support for students who suffer from racial harassment where they study or where they live. From her experience, education authorities often fail to consider or address the potential racial harassment international students may encounter during their stay in Scotland. Many students do not report racist incidents to the police or the education authorities, especially if they are here only for fairly short courses. She pointed out that negative experiences and images of Scotland will remain with them and they will share those experiences with their family and friends. Ms Giles considered that further and higher education authorities and Student Associations should be more proactive in dealing with racism at Colleges or Universities and provide better guidance to students in reporting racist incidents.

DISCUSSION

3.68 Our sample was largely young, female and educated. We are unable to pronounce on how representative it is, as it is the first national survey of ESOL learners in Scotland. The Glasgow ESOL Survey of 2000 sample was 73% female, and the largest single age-group was 22-31. It is generally accepted that more women than men learn languages in classes. The tendency for respondents to be educated may be a function of the difficulty beginner and ESOL literacy classes had with the questionnaire - even where translations were available.

3.69 While respondents were on the whole very satisfied with their classes, and the way the classes were run, one third of respondents wanted more hours, especially those attending classes for less than 5 hours per week. Given the high proportion of learners with dependent children and the fact that over 1/ ₄ were working in some capacity or other, this can be seen as a significant unmet need. According to the Australian ¹⁸ estimate that learners need 1765 hours from beginner level to independence, students on 4 hours per week would need 15 years of tuition to reach a level of English at which they can seek work or join mainstream (NC) College courses. Citizenship courses, including language courses, in Sweden, Israel and Australia stipulate over 500 hours of tuition, over 1 to 2 years. At 4 hours per week, this would require 4 years.

3.70 On the other hand, it is clear that very many learners do not enrol in classes until months, if not years have elapsed since their arrival. In Australia, the Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs provides 510 hours of free English tuition to both permanent and temporary migrants, but on condition that students join classes within a year of arrival - unless they qualify for deferral (see Annex 4).

3.71 It may be worth investigating the demand for evening class provision, especially for those with young children. It was noted in Chapter Two, however, that institutions provide only 61 evening classes across Scotland (with 879 students).

3.72 There is also demand for bilingual teachers from students at lower levels of ability. The tiny number of bilingual teachers however (see Chapter 4), means that this need is not being met. In mixed nationality classes, bilingual teachers may be unnecessary, but there is a case for bilingual teaching support, which could be me by non-native speaker volunteers, including those from the ESOL student body, from among non-native speakers.

3.73 Barriers to learning range from the shortage of crèche places, which was raised many times in focus groups to more opportunities to practise English outwith the class. The former is a direct consequence of lack of specific funding and shortage of suitable accommodation. The latter requires a wide range of imaginative initiatives, and the further development of existing initiatives such as volunteering.

« Previous | Contents | Next »