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Disability and Employment in Scotland: A Review of the Evidence Base

CHAPTER FIVE: UK AND SCOTTISH PROGRAMMES AND INITIATIVES

INTRODUCTION

5.1 This chapter begins by exploring existing employment programmes for disabled people run by Jobcentre Plus, including the IB pilots launched in 2003. Subsequently, it explores the particular programmes and initiatives which have been developed at a national level in Scotland, run by a range of agencies such as Scottish Enterprise and Careers Scotland. Local initiatives, developed by, for example, Glasgow City Council, are also discussed. It also considers what is known about the effectiveness of different programmes and components. Finally, it considers some of the dilemmas with regard to how programme success should be measured and which groups should be targeted.

JOBCENTRE PLUS DISABILITY EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMMES

5.2 The 1944 Employment Act established the quota system whereby employers with 20 or more employees were obliged to ensure that at least 3% of their workforce was made up of disabled people. The legislation also made provision for the establishment of a national network of industrial rehabilitation units to provide intensive support for disabled people wishing to return to mainstream employment. Jobcentre Plus continues to provide a number of specialist programmes geared towards the needs of disabled people. These programmes have evolved since the 1940s, due to changes in the labour market and the disabled population. Modes of management and delivery have also altered, and since the 1980s, many services have been contracted out to the private and voluntary sectors rather than being delivered directly by Jobcentre Plus. In the study of Work Preparation reported by Banks et al (2002), Disability Employment Advisers (DEAs) reported that the majority of their time was spent on assessment, counselling and placement work, and they would prefer to spend more time liaising with employers and delivering support to disabled people in the field. DEAs lack a career structure and access to initial training and continuing professional development (Floyd et al, 2004 forthcoming). The House of Commons Work and Pensions Committee (House of Commons, 2003a) noted dissatisfaction amongst disability organisations with the service being delivered by DEAs, and raised questions about whether Jobcentre Plus staff were over-stretched and under-qualified. It should be noted, however, that PA posts have been created in Jobcentre Plus offices to deal with incapacity benefit customers. These PAs will be given additional training.

Access to Work

5.3 The Access to Work (AtW) scheme provides assistance for disabled people and their employers for employment-related costs resulting from a disability. There are four main elements of support:

• support to workers in the workplace or to assist in getting to work;

• help with costs of travel to work;

• alterations to workplace premises; and

• aids and equipment in the workplace.

5.4 Between April 1996 and March 2001, 37,236 people received help through AtW and the budget was 29.9 million. Spend on Access to Work and the number of people who have been helped by the scheme have more than trebled since 1997 and the process has been improved since the establishment of AtW Business centres. Access to Work is seen as a very helpful programme in terms of enabling disabled people to obtain and retain employment (Thornton and Corden, 2002; Roulstone et al, 2003). However, those who gave evidence to the Work and Pensions Committee (House of Commons, 2003a) noted a number of problems with its operation:

• it was seen as having a low level of overall funding;

• there were delays in making assessments and processing applications;

• entitlement was discretionary;

• there was no right of appeal;

• there was a lack of continuity of support when the disabled person moved job;

• it was not available for work placements, vocational training and volunteering;

• the relationship between AtW funding and the employer's duty under DDA Part 2 to make reasonable adjustments was unclear;

• it was not sufficiently publicised and many disabled people and employers did not know of its existence (this might be due to its capped budget, disinclining the Government to stimulate demand, particularly at a time when they were trying to get employers to take more responsibility for making reasonable adjustments).

5.5 In addition to overlaps with DDA Part 2, there may be some degree of overlap with Direct Payments provisions. Direct Payment may be used to purchase support in the workplace, although many local authorities have been conservative in their interpretation of the legislation and only make payments for assistance delivered in the home to facilitate personal care. Ideally, funds available through the employers' duty to make reasonable adjustments, Access to Work and Direct Payments could be pooled, to enable the disabled person to obtain a full range of physical, IT and personal report necessary to undertake their job. Direct Payments fall within local authorities' area of governance, so better integration of work support programmes would require closer liaison between local government and JCP. Other allowances, such as those drawn from the Independent Living Fund and the Disabled Students' Allowance, could also be combined to provide a comprehensive package of support.

5.6 In Scotland, the provision of AtW has been centralised in Glasgow with the support of some field staff and contracted assessment specialists. The team work to set targets and process more than 200 new applications per month. In 2003, expenditure in Scotland was in excess of 4 million.

WORKSTEP

5.7 This is a relatively new programme which replaced the former Supported Employment programme. Delivered in partnership with local authorities, voluntary organisations and Remploy Ltd, the programme is geared towards people with more complex support needs. However, people are only eligible for the programme if they are able to work at least 16 hours per week. Changes to the former Supported Employment programme were justified on the grounds that service users were remaining in sheltered placements doing low-level work for many years and insufficient numbers were progressing into the open labour market. WORKSTEP providers agree with the individual and the employer the type of support that is needed, such as mentors, job coaches etc. Wage subsidies can still be agreed but these should be less frequent and time limited, or involve a tapering of support over time.

5.8 A key aim of WORKSTEP is to ensure that people in supported employment develop and make progress. Providers of WORKSTEP were initially given modest progression targets and a proportion of their funding depended on the number of people moving into and sustaining mainstream employment. However, WORKSTEP users have the opportunity and support to make an informed choice about whether progression is the right course for them. If they decide not to pursue progression, this should be reviewed periodically. New providers found difficulty in meeting their initial recruitment and progression aims (Thornton et al, 2004) and the latter have now been withdrawn from WORKSTEP contracts and guidance. There is still an emphasis on progression, and longer term support is available if this is required by the individual. Providers also complained that many clients required the development of employability skills prior to entering a work placement, but no payment was made for this support. The funding of work preparation activities prior to placement is now being considered by the government, following the recommendations of the House of Commons Work and Pensions Committee (House of Commons, 2003a).

Work Preparation

5.9 Work Preparation is Jobcentre Plus' main rehabilitation and retention programme. Scottish and GB evaluations of users' experiences and outcomes have recently been conducted and these are discussed below. Other programmes and support mechanisms to assist disabled people during the transition to work include the Job Introduction Scheme and Work Trials.

5.10 Work Preparation has a modest and capped budget (11.2 million in 2001-2) and is aimed at disabled people who are considering returning to the labour market or entering employment for the first time. The programme is normally delivered by a range of voluntary and private training organisations which typically offer a 6-8 week job placement (maximum 13 weeks) to allow the person's employment skills to be assessed, with a view to looking for work or seeking further training. Work Preparation may also be used to support job search and job matching, personal development activities geared towards enhancing employability, self-employment, counselling and placement in a social firm. However, job placement is by far the most common form of Work Preparation and in many regions is the standard form of provision. Job retention cases account for only 1% of the total. Supported employment was not traditionally funded through Work Preparation, although under the National Disability Development Initiative Programme, a Scottish voluntary organisation delivered a form of Work Preparation incorporating supported employment principles (see Riddell et al, 2002). There is no qualifying benefits status for participation in the Work Preparation programme. However, following an internal review in 2002, JCP indicated to DEAs that the programme should be restricted to those closest to the labour market. The programme was under particular pressure in London and the South East, where it was used by Job Brokers for clients who were not immediately ready for employment.

5.11 Research conducted by Riddell et al (2002) focused on the delivery of the Work Preparation programme in Scotland. Outcomes of Work Preparation participants over an 18 month period were analysed, and findings mirrored closely those of the GB study reported above. The study found large discrepancies across Scotland in relation to the client groups catered for. Provision for people with mental health problems and learning disabilities was particularly patchy and outcomes for people with mental health problems were significantly worse than for other groups. The range of contracts now includes an organization specialising in supporting people with mental health problems.

5.12 The Scottish research also explored disabled people's and employers' views of a particular programme run by a large voluntary organisation catering for people with learning disabilities. It was found that employers had very little idea of the purpose of Work Preparation, and failed to distinguish between WP clients and people from New Deal and work experience programmes. They complained that they were given inadequate information about clients' needs and difficulties, had no additional funds to put support in place and that the time allowed was insufficient to allow supportive relationships to develop in the workplace. Programme participants were often disappointed as well. The majority were committed to working, and were upset to discover that a job was unlikely to materialise at the end of the placement. Many had participated in several training programmes and felt that they were 'trained enough' for a job. It should be noted that current contracts have an incentive payment to increase the numbers of people gaining employment within 13 weeks of course completion.

5.13 An evaluation of the Work Preparation programme was undertaken recently by Jobcentre Plus' Disability Research Partnership (Banks et al, 2002). This evaluation used focus groups and interviews to access the views of Disability Service Team (DST) managers, DEAs, Occupational Psychologists (OPs) and service providers. A short questionnaire was used with disabled people's organisations and employers. There was some confusion with regard to the Programme's target group, with some DEAs and DST managers maintaining they were reluctant to restrict entry to those closest to the labour market since they felt a moral obligation to provide assistance to those who were keen to work but had longer-term support needs. At the same time, they recognised that a short placement was only likely to be of use to the most able. There were also disagreements about how outcomes should be measured. Focusing on hard outcomes was likely to lead to 'creaming' of clients, whereas measures of soft outcomes, including a range of indicators of employability, were likely to be unreliable. Doubts about the quality of the programme were raised, and it was acknowledged by DST managers that it was very difficult to monitor contract compliance. It was also recognised that boundaries with other assessment and training programmes were confused.

5.14 With regard to outcomes, the team noted discrepancies between aggregated data reported by DST managers to Jobcentre Plus and individual records held at regional level. Outcomes were measured at 13 weeks after the end of the programme and responsibility for reporting on destinations lay with programme providers. However, by this time they had received payment for JCP and as a result many service providers failed to provide 13 week destinations; this information was missing for about 50% of clients. Of those who completed the programme, about 20% were in employment (which might be full-time or part-time), 12% required further education or training and 68% had an unknown or unsuccessful outcome. Some DEAs felt that the definition of successful outcome was too restrictive, and for some people discovering that paid work was not a realistic possibility could be regarded as a positive result.

5.15 The GB research highlighted some degree of confusion and dissatisfaction with professional roles. Some DEAs felt that they were not kept sufficiently informed about client progress by service providers. They were involved in an initial assessment of clients, who were then passed over to a service provider, whose first job was to draw up an action plan in conjunction with the client. A final report at the end of the placement was intended to indicate the extent to which agreed actions had been achieved. However, the action plan and the record of progress were often completed somewhat sketchily. DEAs rarely visited clients on placement, and would have preferred more scope for interaction with the client and the employer. Occupational Psychologists were also frustrated that their job involved an initial assessment of the more difficult cases, but again they rarely had the opportunity to observe the client in the field and suggest further support measures. They too would have appreciated a more hands on role. Service providers, for their part, felt they were given inadequate information by DEAs and the funding per client was insufficient to provide the degree of support which was often required. Work Preparation was often only a small part of their work repertoire, and they inevitably focused on the programmes which were more lucrative.

Incapacity Benefits Pilots

5.16 As noted in the discussion of the 2002 Green Paper (Pathways to Work) (DWP, 2002) in Chapter 2, the Government is committed to finding ways of restricting growth in the number of IB claimants by encouraging economically inactive disabled people to return to work. In the pilot areas, following a work-focussed interview, people with 'less serious conditions' are to be directed towards short programmes designed to assist them in understanding and assessing the impact of their conditions on their employment options. Some of the programmes are to offer 'work-focussed support delivered by Jobcentre Plus' and some to provide 'health-focused rehabilitation delivered by, and building on, best practice within the NHS'. One of the pilots is taking place in Scotland, but preliminary findings of its impact are not yet available. Like other DWP programmes, there is a danger that Scottish data will not be disaggregated from the wider GB picture, but it would be extremely helpful for policy makers and practitioners in Scotland to be able to learn lessons from the Scottish experience of the IB pilots.

5.17 Reviewing these new developments, the TUC (2003) welcomed the new focus on rehabilitation, noting that 27,000 GB workers leave the workplace due to illness each year and never return. However, the IB pilots are geared towards those who have already left their jobs, and there is a need for a much greater focus on preventative and retention measures. These would include occupational health interventions which make the workplace less hazardous for all, along with access to financial and practical support to enable people to retain their jobs following an accident or the onset of illness. Countries like the Netherlands have improved retention rates by placing the financial onus on employers to retain staff following sickness or injury.

SCOTTISH PROGRAMMES

5.18 Having reviewed Jobcentre Plus programmes, which operate throughout GB, this chapter now turns to Scotland-specific programmes. First, it is worth noting that the LECS have responsibility for the management and delivery of training programmes, including Skillseekers and Modern Apprenticeships for school-leavers and Training for Work for adults. Careers Scotland manages the Personal Advisory Service and referral aspects of the Get Ready for Work programme for 16-18 year olds with additional support needs, whilst the operational aspect is managed by the Enterprise Networks. These programmes are accessed by people with disabilities. Data are not available on a range of measures across the programme. Scottish Enterprise has not had a policy of undertaking a rolling review programme of training provision for disabled people, however, this will be addressed as part of the Skills Development Information Strategy.

The New Futures Fund

5.19 The New Futures Fund (NFF), launched in May 1998 with a budget of 15 million over 3 years, was managed by Scottish Enterprise and was intended to promote the employability of people with multiple barriers to employment, including those on Incapacity Benefit. The programme was intended to complement the work of the New Deal by making provision for multiply disadvantaged people whose needs were unlikely to be met by other programmes. Although it is an employment programme it does not expect or require job outcomes, the emphasis is on small steps of progress. The Advisory Management group of the NFF is chaired by a Board member of Scottish Enterprise and includes a senior representative of Jobcentre Plus and voluntary sector organisations.

5.20 The following are key findings of the Phase 1 evaluation, covering the period January 2000 - March 2002:

• NFF clients face multiple disadvantages: a third have never worked; 45% have no qualifications; at least 38% are affected by substance abuse; a minimum of 28% have a criminal record; and mental health issues represent a barrier for almost a quarter.

• 3,030 have moved on from NFF, of these 54% have achieved positive outcomes: 14% got jobs; 13 % went into further education; just under 8% went into a Government training programme such as New Deal or Skillseekers, and 6% were engaged in voluntary work; softer positive outcomes were achieved by many others.

• It is appropriate for NFF to focus on softer outcomes as well as employment for this client group.

• NFF has brought something additional, providing opportunities for people who are often rejected by mainstream programmes on the grounds that they are too far away from the labour market.

• New partnerships and networks have developed. There is evidence that the 'social' end of the support spectrum has come closer to the 'economic' end, suggesting the NFF is succeeding in creating an infrastructure to support this client group.

5.21 A summary of the interim evaluation of Phase 2 of the project (Scottish Enterprise, 2002) noted that, on the basis of discussion with clients and projects, most time was spent on personal development work and analysis of barriers to employment, rather than on activities geared towards obtaining employment (e.g. work placements/tasters, action planning, interview techniques, CVs, job applications). In addition, despite close relationships during the course of the project, in almost all cases aftercare was weak. Therefore, even though clients did improve their employability, they did not continue to build on this progress at the end of the project. It was also noted that horizontal links with a range of support services were good, but vertical links with Jobcentre Plus, Careers Scotland, local enterprise companies and employers were much less well developed. In recognition of the low traffic between the Employment Service (now Jobcentre Plus) and New Futures projects, a protocol on joint working was piloted in Glasgow and Dumfries and Galloway. The pilot proved successful with good practices being shared between the organisations. The results of the evaluation were discussed within both organisations and the protocol rolled out. This ensured that NFF customers could access Jobcentre Plus services at an appropriate point and this increased their routeways into work.

5.22 Table 5.1 shows the reported outcomes from the Interim Evaluation of Phase 2:

Source: Scottish Enterprise October 2003

5.23 The second phase of funding for NFF projects runs until May 2005. By this time, it is assumed mainstreaming will have taken place. Individual projects are being helped to identify alternative sources of funding by the Enterprise Networks. Some projects have received longer-term commitment from local authorities, but inevitable questions will be asked about the extent to which projects are tackling the problem of long-term economic inactivity. The employment outcomes (about 20% moving into employment), are fairly close to those achieved by other employment programmes for disabled people, such as the Job Brokers roll-out of the NDDP and Work Preparation. However, with more than a third of people still economically inactive at the end of the project, some might question whether this outcome is sufficiently good to justify further funding.

The Glasgow Challenge

5.24 A research project entitled The Glasgow Challenge (MacDougall et al, 2003) explored employment rates and experiences of workless people in Glasgow. The aims of the project were to:

• Estimate the proportion of Glasgow's non-JSA benefit claimants closest to the job market;

• Identify their needs, aspirations, fears and barriers to work;

• Inform the development of pilot projects to engage with people in this group who want to work.

5.25 The research consisted of secondary data analysis of employment and benefits statistics and a survey of 296 non-JSA claimants. Like the New Futures Fund employment projects, the focus of the research was on the large group of people who are economically inactive in Glasgow, the majority of whom are on IB.

5.26 As noted earlier, despite an expanding jobs base, falling unemployment and a rising employment rate, Glasgow still has one of the lowest proportions of working age people in employment in Scotland. Just over 90,000 adults in Glasgow are claiming a non-JSA key benefit, including 71,000 people claiming IB and 17,000 lone parents.

5.27 The research estimated that there were at least 10,000 people with an active approach to the labour market who felt it would be relatively easy to find work and another 25,000 people who would be interested in working but believed it would be hard to find a job. The development of a client-centred approach, geared towards raising motivation and self-confidence, was seen as important in helping non-JSA claimants to find work. Significant gaps in services which needed to be filled included:

• increasing support around transitions into work and in work

• better linkages with employers

• making services for disabled people more work focused.

5.28 A 'hard-edged review' of services working with this group was suggested, since services did not appear to be well engaged with clients. In addition, there was a pressing need for the main funders of welfare to work services to work together more closely to align their resources, develop a common understanding of the city's infrastructure in relation to employment support and examine ways in which funding mechanisms incentivise or distort more integrated service delivery.

Equal Access to Employment

5.29 In response to the recommendations of the research described above, in 2003, a consultation document, Equal Access to Employment, was published, which set out a future strategy for tackling this problem in the city. The report noted that, despite the economic growth of the city between 1999 and 2002, the benefits had not 'trickled down' to the most disadvantaged groups. As indicated in The Glasgow Challenge report, registered unemployed people (JSA claimants) amounted to only 18,000 people, representing less than a quarter of all those out of work in the city. The strategy therefore had to focus on non-JSA claimants, particularly those on IB.

5.30 The following were identified as key principles of the new strategy:

• There is a need for a partnership arrangement between the public agencies, the voluntary sector and employers.

• People who have health or social care needs will be enabled, wherever possible, to progress to real jobs in the labour market, offering the same employment conditions and opportunities for career advancement enjoyed by the rest of the workforce.

• The development of a person's capacity to enter, re-enter or retrain for employment will be one of the central elements of health and social care.

• The health and social care sector will refocus its energies and re-align its resources to provide people with health and social care support needs to enter and sustain employment, rather than providing services in vocational and employment skills.

• Wherever possible, users of health and social care services will be moved to mainstream employment and training projects and these projects will be responsible for placing people in jobs.

• Mainstream employment, training and educational institutions will ensure that their resources and expertise are made available to people needing elements of health and social care support .

• The programmes will be developed and re-aligned to meet the specific needs of employers and their potential employees to ensure equal access to training and employment opportunities.

5.31 The report noted that Social Work Services spent about 8 million per annum on training and employment initiatives aimed at people with multiple barriers to employment, including people with learning disabilities and/or mental health problems. The projects, mainly funded under Section 10 grants, were not planned in a strategic manner, and did not encourage progression into mainstream employment. The aim of the new strategy was to build bridges between the health and social care sectors and the mainstream employment programmes, in particular those funded by Jobcentre Plus and local enterprise companies. Supported employment is seen as one of the key means of bridging this gap. A recent report from the Scottish Development Centre is referred to, which notes that in the USA the supported employment model is twice as effective as traditional vocational services in moving people into employment. 58% of people with severe mental illness in the USA found employment through supported employment. However, it should be noted that evaluations of supported employment in the UK have reported much smaller gains (Beyer et al, 1996; Riddell et al, 1999).

Health and Safety at Work Initiatives

5.32 In addition to encouraging disabled people back into employment, there has been a focus on improving health and safety at work to prevent people from leaving employment as a result of sickness or disability arising whilst in work. At the launch of Securing Health Together (Scottish Executive Health Department, 2000) it was announced that 3 million pounds would be ring-fenced over three years to deliver occupational health and safety services for small to medium sized enterprises (SMEs). Fifty one % of the Scottish workforce is employed by 243,000 SMEs in Scotland, but more than 60% of these workplaces have little or no access to occupational health and/or safety provision.

5.33 In order to fill this gap, an occupational health and safety service for SMEs in Scotland was launched in 2003 entitled Safe and Healthy Working. The scheme, funded by the Scottish Executive and managed by Health Scotland and operating in three regions, aims to give all SME employers and their workers equal access to free and confidential advice, information and support on occupational health and safety in the workplace. Specifically, it aims to help employers and employees identify and tackle workplace issues including 'stress, back pain, working with dangerous substances, disability and the particular hazards of lone working' (Smith, 2003). There is also an interactive website ( www.safeandhealthyworking.com) which provides in-depth information and signposting to other relevant organisations and services, and a facility for organisations to input queries and questions to the advisors. An ongoing evaluation of the scheme is taking place.

5.34 A further two year initiative, HealthyReturn, has been launched in the Greater Glasgow area with the aim of offering a range of healthcare and workplace services to people living in this area. The scheme is aimed at anyone who has been off work because of an injury, illness or disability for between six weeks and six months, and participation is voluntary. Support on offer includes health care (physio and occupational therapy, mental health care, counselling, coaching, massage) and workplace support (advice on ergonomics, health and safety, occupational health). The impact of these different types of support is to be tested using control and experimental groups.

Careers Scotland

5.35 Careers Scotland is one of the key agencies focusing on the development of employability. Following the Duffner Review of the Careers Services, announced in 1999, the Scottish Executive announced its plans for the future service in the document Careers Scotland -The Way Forward (Scottish Executive, 2001d). It was decided to align the Careers Service, Education Business Partnerships (EBPs), Adult Guidance Networks (AGNs) and Local Learning Partnerships (LLPs) with the two Enterprise Networks of the Highlands and Islands (HEI) and Scottish Enterprise(SE). The new organisation, Careers Scotland, was operational from April 2002. Careers Scotland took over the management of two key initiatives which were already underway at the time of its inception, the All Age Guidance Service and the Inclusiveness projects. The aims of the two initiatives were:

• To improve the skills and employability of Scotland's most disadvantaged young people

• To raise awareness of and access to advice and guidance services to facilitate entry and re-entry to the labour market for people of all ages

• To improve access and opportunities to raise skill levels and achieve the full potential of people of all ages in the Scottish labour force.

5.36 The All Age Guidance Service was intended to address the latter two aims, whilst the Inclusiveness projects were focused on the first goal. The key areas of the projects and preliminary findings are outlined below.

All Age Guidance projects

5.37 The evaluation of the AAG Service (Segal Quince Wicksteed, 2003) consisted of 559 telephone interviews with AAG clients between November 2002 and February 2003. The clients were recruited to the study from across Scotland and some had only been in touch with the AAG adviser for a few months. The evaluation focused particularly on the actions clients had taken since their first contact with Careers Scotland. It appeared that:

• 66% had applied for a job and 31% had started a new job;

• 32% had applied for training or education courses and 24% had started a course

• 23% had looked into financial support and 10% had been successful

• 8% reported no outcome

• Among those that were unemployed, 78% applied for a job and 36% started a new job.

5.38 In addition to hard outcomes, clients reported that they had benefited in terms of clarifying goals even if this had not yet led to employment. The researchers attempted to assess the additionality of the AAG service, but in the absence of baseline statistics, this was difficult. Using client perspectives and previous data in the areas where this existed, they concluded that a high proportion of the outcomes were attributable to the projects themselves, rather than other factors.

5.39 A follow-up survey was conducted with these same clients in July/August 2003, although this evaluation only used 362 of the clients. This ensured that the evaluation was comparing like with like and genuinely tracking the same groups of individuals. It focused particularly on what actions they had taken since they were last interviewed 6 months ago. It appeared that:

• 65% had applied for a job and 50% had started a new job

• 44% had applied for training or education courses and 4% had started or completed a course

• 25% had looked into financial support and 14% had been successful

• 9% had reported no outcome.

5.40 The follow up survey revealed that those in employment increased to 72% from 43%, in training or education to 20% from 8% and unemployed from 50% to 16%. This therefore suggest that there has been a significant shift from unemployment, in some cases through education and training, into employment, and this shift has continued over the course of these surveys.

Inclusiveness projects

5.41 The Inclusiveness projects were established in response to recommendations of the Beattie Committee, which was established in April 1998 to review the needs and provision of services for young people with additional support needs. The Committee identified the lack of a 'joined-up' response to meeting the transitional needs of this group of young people. The Scottish Executive Enterprise and Lifelong Learning Department (SEELLD) allocated 15m over the period April 2001-2004 to implement a programme of Inclusiveness projects in each of the 17 Careers Service Company areas.

5.42 Inclusiveness funding led to the development of the Key Worker service across Scotland and the management of the projects was taken over by Careers Scotland in April 2002.

5.43 The interim project evaluation indicated that the following outcomes had been achieved:

• The development of local partnership networks aimed at improving service provision for young people who would otherwise have been at significant risk of 'falling through the gaps' in the existing agency infrastructure

• The development of a wide range of tools, systems and products designed to assist young people making the transition from school or care

• A sharper focus on employability within existing services.

5.44 Data available showed that 7,611 clients of Inclusiveness projects achieved educational, training and employment outcomes during the first year of the projects' life. However, it is not known to what extent these outcomes may be attributed to the work of the Inclusiveness projects, since no baseline data were available. In addition, information was gathered in relation to client interventions. Therefore if a client accessed more than one service, they might be counted more than once. To overcome this problem, greater efforts were being made to track individuals over time and to assess the extent to which employment was sustained. As we noted earlier, the problem of collecting robust outcome data, and checking findings against other available measures, is a recurring problem for employment and vocational rehabilitation projects. At the time of writing, Careers Scotland was implementing the interim evaluation recommendations and awaiting the outcomes of the final evaluation.

5.45 In order to improve the employment outcomes of young people with additional support needs, a scoping study of the applicability of the learning disabilities supported employment model, adapted for use with clients with other barriers to employment, was conducted on the 7 pilot projects managed by Careers Scotland and funded by the Scottish Executive Enterprise, Transport and Lifelong Learning Department. Enable worked with Careers Scotland in a capacity raising role in support of these pilots. Supported employment was seen as a useful model to use, since it bypassed the idea that a client had to achieve 'job readiness' before commencing work. Rather, competence in the workplace might be achieved by doing a real job for which a real wage was paid. Support might be provided either by a job coach or through natural support in the workplace. As noted by Riddell et al (1999), US proponents of supported employment have claimed major financial and social benefits from participating in supported employment. However, such gains have not been reported by UK studies (Beyer et al, 1996), and it is possible that the supported employment pilots for young people did not take account of the more modest gains reported by UK researchers. In addition, UK studies have never achieved the success of their US counterparts in engaging large numbers of disabled people in supported employment. A possible reason for this is that US programmes have included individuals of higher ability in their supported employment programmes, whereas in the UK participants tend to be those at greatest distance form the labour market (Riddell et al, 2001). Early findings from the pilot supported employment projects suggested that the number of clients in supported employment placements fell far short of the initial targets.

Communities Scotland, adult literacy and employability

5.46 A literature review published by the Scottish Executive in 2001 (Scottish Executive, 2001b) identified low levels of literacy and numeracy as both a symptom and cause of poverty and exclusion. Actions to tackle literacy problems, it was argued, should be set in the wider context of anti-poverty strategy. Interventions needed to be targeted at individuals and families rather than neighbourhoods, although problems of low levels of literacy were much greater in some areas. Employment provides people with learning opportunities, so people who are workless miss out on important opportunities for work-based learning. At the same time, people in entry-level jobs require literacy and numeracy skills to progress in their careers, therefore they too should be included in adult basic education programmes. The report argued that people are much more likely to develop good literacy skills if they acquire these at an early age, so early intervention is of vital importance. Finally, the benefits of improved levels of literacy are reflected in higher earnings and in enhanced quality of life and active citizenship.

5.47 JobCentre Plus also introduced Basic Skills screening to encourage people to participate in independent assessment and to access literacy and numeracy help. Good relationships exist between JobCentre Plus and Communities Scotland.

The effectiveness of forms of employment support

5.48 In recent years, the UK and Scottish governments have argued strongly that they want policy to be 'evidence-based'. In relation to employment programmes, the Treasury has maintained that there is a need to have hard evidence on 'what works' using, if possible, Randomised Controlled Trial (RCT) methodology, before strategies are developed and funds committed. Floyd et al (2004 forthcoming) described this trend as commendable, but note its possible weaknesses. In relation to disabled people, they argue that there is a need not just to look at hard outcomes for an undifferentiated group, but to analyse differences between men and women of different ages, skill levels and impairments. It is essential to develop understanding of what works for whom in what circumstances, so that theoretical rather than purely descriptive accounts may be postulated.

5.49 In the field of employment support and vocational rehabilitation, there is very little robust evidence of effectiveness. Some have questioned the effectiveness of employment support measures, maintaining that work-incentive measures built into the benefits system are likely to be much more effective in reducing rates of non-employment. Bloch and Prins (2001), for example, looked at factors affecting the return to work of people with lower back pain in six countries, including the USA. They found that medical and vocational rehabilitation measures were not very influential, but that benefits systems were. If a national benefits system encouraged people to remain on benefits by discouraging work trials, then it was likely that large numbers of low-skilled workers would move onto such benefits and would be discouraged from re-entering the labour market for fear that this would jeopardise their future benefits status.

5.50 There have been conflicting findings in relation to the effectiveness of particular types of support, such as supported employment. The enthusiasm of US researchers tends not to be matched by those in the UK. Recent work by Weston (2002) drew attention to the fact that people with complex needs rarely get included in supported employment programmes despite the rhetoric of universal participation. In addition, Ridley (2001) noted that the criteria used to judge effectiveness may differ between service providers and participants. In her study, people with learning disabilities undertaking supported employment placements felt that financial benefits were the most important, whereas practitioners believed that the opportunity to widen social networks was the most salient feature of supported employment.

5.51 In the light of the expansion of employment support for groups at the margins of the labour market, there is clearly a need for a greater focus on programme effectiveness. Considerable sums of money, for example, are being ploughed into the development of social firms and supported employment in Scotland, and it is necessary that close attention is paid to identifying the costs and benefits of programmes for particular groups in particular circumstances. Attention needs to be paid to rates of employment, economic inactivity and the tracking of individuals over time in order to avoid the over-estimation of successful outcomes.

Conclusions

5.52 This chapter has explored measures and initiatives to assist disabled people into employment in Scotland. The main findings of the chapter are:

• It is evident that at national and local level, there is a need to focus not just on those who are unemployed, but also those who are economically inactive. As noted earlier, people on incapacity benefit are by far the largest component of the economically inactive group, but some programmes do not explicitly acknowledge disabled people as their principal target.

• There is considerable overlap in the programmes developed by organisations in Scotland concerned with employment and employability. For example, 7 supported employment pilots are currently being managed and delivered by Inclusiveness projects managed by Careers Scotland, the New Futures Fund projects and the projects being developed by Glasgow's Employment Planning Group. Adult guidance is being offered by the All Age Guidance projects managed by careers Scotland as well as the New Futures Fund projects. Adult literacy projects are being sponsored by Communities Scotland and the New Futures Fund. To ensure that programmes complement rather then duplicate each other, there is a need for better interface between different agencies.

• There is some degree of tension between pilot projects, which are intended to experiment with novel approaches, and more established projects. Many pilot projects are not well articulated with existing programmes managed by Local Enterprise Companies, such as Skillseekers, Modern Apprenticeships, Get Ready for Work and Training for Work. As the end of the pilot phase approaches, projects have to consider how they are to secure mainstream funding to ensure their long-term survival and problems are likely to arise if they have not worked out their position in relation to established programmes from the start.

• Whilst Scottish projects are not always well-connected, there is even poorer articulation with JCP programmes, leading to unnecessary duplication of effort. It may also mean that a number of agencies are seeking to recruit personal advisers or key-workers at the same time, leading to recruitment difficulties noted in evidence to the House of Commons Work and Pensions Committee (House of Commons, 2003a). The DWP Employment Programmes review and the streamlining of the New Deals should produce a more flexible customer focused range of services.

• There is confusion about how decisions should be made on future funding priorities. This hinges on the issue of how project outcomes should be measured and interpreted. A focus on hard outcomes, in particular employment, may lead to cherry-picking of clients and the exclusion of those furthest from the labour market. On the other hand, a focus on employability may fail to convince government funders that measurable benefits are being derived from the money invested. Many projects and programmes, including those managed by the LECs, have failed to gather outcome data and publish it in accessible format. Furthermore, JCP evaluations, which have employed robust methodologies, have not disaggregated Scottish data. In addition, the use of aggregated data means that the progress of individuals over time cannot be measured. Overall, very little is known about the relative effectiveness of different projects and programmes and this is an area which needs further attention.

• Whilst employment programmes are undoubtedly providing helpful support for many disabled people, there are a number of social justice concerns: disabled people have no entitlements to employment services or any right of appeal if denied access; limited budgets lead to rationing of services; there is no firm evidence on the extent to which disabled people are able to access other New Deal programmes (including the voluntary New Deal for Lone Parents and the mandatory New Deal for unemployed 18-24 year olds and long-term unemployed over-25 year olds); performance targets and funding regimes lead to unequal access, disadvantaging people less ready to take up paid work (this is the case in relation to the Job Broker programme and, increasingly, Work Preparation and WORKSTEP) which future programme developments clearly need to take account of.

5.53 Chapter 6 will now look at the experiences of specific groups of disabled people.

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