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Disability and Employment in Scotland: A Review of the Evidence Base
CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND TO THE REVIEW
INTRODUCTION AND AIMS OF THE REVIEW
1.1 The central aims of this research review were to identify and discuss the evidence that is available through research and statistical data sources on the employment position of disabled people; to highlight where evidence is available, the role played by policy interventions to facilitate and promote labour market participation by disabled people; and to identify gaps in the current research base. The main objectives of the review were to explore the evidence base relating to the following themes:
Rates of employment for disabled people within different types of mainstream employment, including self employment
Barriers identified as standing in the way of accessing or participating in mainstream employment, including self employment
The range of support mechanisms on offer to support access to and retention within employment, including self employment (e.g. Access to Work and direct payments) and the extent to which these are successful in promoting labour market participation for disabled people
The role of specialist programmes and ILM initiatives for disabled people both in terms of practices within these initiatives and the long term trajectories of those who participate in them
The evidence relating to the career trajectories and progression of disabled people within open employment and the factors that contribute to allowing career progression
The evidence relating to the potential business benefits of continued employment of disabled people over the long term
The impact of the Disability Discrimination Act on disabled people's participation in employment both in terms of access to and opportunities within the labour market
The financial position of disabled people relative to others within the labour market, and the financial costs of work and disability both presently and in terms of pension protection.
SCOPE OF THE REVIEW
1.2 Whilst some disabled people are employed full-time and others are not economically active at all, many work for a few hours a week, sometimes in work that is characterised as supported employment or training. The review looked at the full range of ways in which disabled people are connected to the labour market and the extent to which different types of vocational rehabilitation and training are successful in moving people back into full-time or part-time employment. Self-employment and participation in social firms and supported employment was also explored.
1.3 The main focus of the study was on Scotland, but comparisons were also made with UK data and the research has been placed within an international context. In addition to examining the academic literature and published reports of national and local interventions, the review accessed unpublished evaluations. Some work in the area has been undertaken by students in the context of Masters and doctoral programmes, and these dissertations have been reviewed.
1.4 A broad definition of disability was used in the review, in line with the Disability Discrimination Act, which defines a person as disabled if they have a mental or physical impairment which has a long-term and adverse effect on their ability to perform normal day-to-day activities. This includes people with learning disabilities, mental health problems, physical and sensory impairment, multiple/complex difficulties, progressive conditions or chronic illnesses. It recognises that an individual may have an impairment from birth, or that impairments may arise as a result of accident, injury, illness or the ageing process. It should be noted that this definition of disability is not applied universally. Government agencies use different definitions of disability in a range of administrative categories, for example, Incapacity Benefit claimants are categorised according to an International Classification of Diseases. There is also a slippage between the terms 'disability' and 'impairment', with the former term often being used to denote impairment. In this review, the language adopted by the particular government agency or researcher has been used.
1.5 It should also be noted that there are important distinctions between the terms employed, unemployed and economically active/inactive. Again, the terminology used within the particular study under review has been adopted.
1.6 The focus of the review was on the working age population (16 -64 for men, 16-59 for women). It should be noted, however, that the definitions of disability used by some organisations do not map exactly onto the DDA definition. Careers Scotland, for example, operates with the concept of additional support needs which includes disabled young people, those with emotional and behavioural difficulties and care leavers. Following the enactment of the Education (Additional Support for Learning) (Scotland) Act, the definition of additional support needs used in schools will fit more closely with that used in the post-16 setting.
DISABILITY AND EMPLOYMENT: UK AND SCOTTISH GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBILITIES
1.7 Both the Westminster and Holyrood parliaments have some degree of responsibility for disability and employment policy. Responsibility for employment and social security policy rests with Westminster, although Scotland has responsibility for local economic development and post-16 education and training. Jobcentre Plus, embracing the former Employment Service and Benefits Agency, operates throughout England, Wales and Scotland. Amongst a range of activities, it provides guidance and employment support services for disabled people. Scottish Enterprise and Highlands and Islands Enterprise have responsibility for training and local economic development in Scotland, funding Modern Apprenticeships, Get Ready for Work and Training for Work programmes, which are managed by Local Enterprise Companies. Careers Scotland, the national all-age guidance service within the Enterprise Networks, provides the Personal Advisory Service aspect of the Get Ready for Work programme for 16-18 year olds with additional support needs.
1.8 There is similar complexity in the division of responsibility for equality matters. The power to pass equality legislation is reserved to the Westminster Parliament, partly because this is strongly linked to employment legislation, which is a reserved matter. However, Schedule 5 of the Scotland Act 1988 allows the Scottish Parliament to encourage (other than by prohibition or regulation) equal opportunities and to place duties on devolved public bodies to ensure they meet the requirements of Westminster equality law.
1.9 In line with the social justice agenda, there is a commitment to mainstream social justice throughout the Scottish Executive's policy proposals and funding plans, and to report publicly on the extent to which progress is being made in different areas. The document
Closing the Opportunity Gap (Scottish Executive 2004a) sets out the key policy agenda and targets for key departments. There is, therefore, a considerable degree of overlap between the responsibilities of the Westminster and Holyrood Parliaments in relation to disability and employment. Because the boundary is not clear-cut, there has been some anxiety in each country not to 'tread on the others' toes'. However, it is clear that the Scottish Parliament sees employment policy as an area of great importance in achieving the twin goals of promoting economic prosperity and social justice.
1.10 Scotland's policies on employment and disability cannot be understood unless they are placed in the wider UK context. This report therefore reviews key UK developments before considering their implications for Scotland. Some European and wider international developments, particularly in the field of anti-discrimination legislation, are also discussed.
METHODS EMPLOYED IN THE REVIEW
Literature search
1.11 Letters requesting relevant evaluations and reports were sent to a range of organisations. In addition, academics working in the area were approached to request information on their ongoing work (see Appendix 1 for details of organisations and academics who were contacted) and discussions were held with key policy-makers, practitioners and researchers in employment in Scotland and Great Britain.
1.12 A range of relevant literature was gathered. Searches of social science databases were carried out and relevant texts were obtained. University catalogues were used to identify and access MSc and PhD dissertations. Policy and legislative documents were gathered, relating to Scotland, the UK and Europe. Key reports from UK and Scottish government agencies were accessed. In addition, literature already known to the team was gathered.
Statistical analysis
1.13 Meetings were held with Scottish Executive statisticians to discuss the data sets to be used to extract information in relation to disability and employment. It was decided to focus on Labour Force Survey and Census data. The initial analysis sought to compare individuals of working age (under 60 for women, under 65 for men) who answered 'yes' to Q8 in the census
Do you have any long-term illness, health problem or disability which limits your daily activities or the work you can do?, with individuals who answered 'no' to this question. Scottish data were compared with the UK as a whole. The Scottish Executive publishes information relating to disability related benefits and data were also drawn from
Benefits and Tax Credits in Scotland: Report for February 2003 (Scottish Executive, 2003a)
.
STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT
1.14 Since many (but not all) aspects of employment, social security and equal opportunities policy and legislation are reserved, the report begins in
Chapter 2 by describing and analysing UK policy on disability and employment. The impact of anti-discrimination and national minimum wage legislation is discussed and key initiatives are reviewed such as the New Deal for Disabled People and the reform of Incapacity Benefit. Ongoing problems are highlighted, including the growth in many Western countries in the number of people who say they are unable to work as a result of long-term illness or disability. Debates about the best ways of tackling this problem are discussed.
Chapter 3 presents data on disabled people's participation in the labour market in Scotland, drawing on Labour Force Survey and Census data. In
Chapter 4, the report discusses specific aspects of disability and employment policy developed in Scotland post-devolution.
Chapter 5 examines the impact of vocational rehabilitation initiatives funded by Jobcentre Plus and other forms of employment support which have developed in Scotland such as supported employment and social firms. Key issues are explored, including the groups of disabled people who should be targeted for employment support, the ways in which provision should be funded and how individual progress and programme outcomes should be measured. The extent to which support for disabled people should be part of mainstream provision, geared towards the needs of all disabled people or targeted at specific groups (e.g. people with visual impairments) is considered. Having outlined the arguments for and against specialist provision, in
Chapter 6 the report discusses targeted initiatives which have been developed in light of the barriers encountered by specific groups. Again, both UK and Scottish data are referred to. The
final chapter draws together findings from the preceding discussions, highlighting what is known about the position of disabled people and the labour market in Scotland, to what extent this differs from the picture in the rest of the UK and the areas where further research is needed in the future. The final chapter also includes a summary of the policy implications for the Scottish Executive and other key stakeholders.
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