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SCOTTISH CRIME SURVEY 2003
CHAPTER SIX: PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS OF CRIME
The public's perceptions of crime in their local area and in Scotland as a whole have been shown in the past to differ from the actual risk of falling victim to a criminal act (MVA, 2002, MVA, 1998). This chapter describes public perceptions and concern about crime and anti-social behaviour and the measures members of the public take to minimise their perceived risk.
Public perceptions of crime
Crime as a national problem
Before looking at the public's perceptions of crime in detail, it is worth viewing crime in the context of other social issues. Respondents were asked to describe how serious they considered a range of social issues, from 'extremely serious' to 'not a problem'. The proportion of respondents who thought each of these issues was 'extremely' or 'quite' serious is shown in Figure 6.1, alongside the same figures from the 2000 SCS.
Figure 6.1: Percentage of respondents describing issue as 'extremely' or 'quite' serious

Note:
1. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,041
2000 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,059
Drug abuse remained the issue which the Scottish public perceived to be the most serious problem in Scotland. There was a small, though significant, increase in the percentage of respondents who felt it was an 'extremely' or 'quite' serious problem between 2000 and 2003. Crime was perceived as the next most serious social problem with four out of five respondents reporting it to be an 'extremely' or 'quite' serious problem (Figure 6.1).
Alongside drug abuse and crime, the other social problem considered most serious was alcohol abuse, with 4 out of 5 respondents describing it as a problem, a significant increase from 2000. Although the proportion of respondents who felt that racial discrimination was an 'extremely' or 'quite' serious problem was smaller than for many of the other issues asked about, it is important to note the considerable rise in concern about this since 2000, with almost half (45%) those asked rating it as a problem in Scotland.
Crime as a local problem
To better understand what the perception of crime as a problem in Scotland relates to, respondents who had lived in their local area for two years or more were asked whether they thought the level of crime in that area had changed over the previous two years. 6 Forty-two per cent felt that there was more crime in their area at the time of interview than two years previously, with one in five indicating that it was 'a lot more' (Table 6.1).
These findings are very similar to those found in 2000, the first year this question was asked in the SCS. Just under half (48%) of respondents in both surveys indicated that that they felt crime was 'about the same' as it was two years before, and 7 per cent indicated that they thought crime had decreased (Table 6.1). (Further information on these responses can be found in Appendix Table A.6.1).
Table 6.1: Percentage of respondents perceiving change in the crime rates of their local area over the previous 2 years
| 2000 | 2003 |
A lot more | 17 | 21 |
A little more | 24 | 21 |
About the same | 48 | 48 |
A little less | 6 | 6 |
A lot less | 1 | 1 |
Don't know | 4 | 3 |
Note:
1. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=4,433
2000 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=4,512
Perceptions of the frequency of crime
Simply stating that some people considered crime to be rising in their local area does not explain why this might be the case, or what crime people are referring to when they talk about 'crime'. More detail was obtained by asking how common people perceived specific types of crimes to be, again asking specifically about the respondent's local area (Table 6.2).
Respondents perceived the most common offence to be vehicle vandalism in 2003, with 41 per cent stating that this was 'very' or 'fairly' common; a similar proportion to previous years (Table 6.2). This was followed by people's homes being broken into, people having things stolen from their vehicles and people having their vehicles stolen. For all these offences, there have been significant decreases since 1996. In line with actual trends, the proportion of respondents considering housebreaking to be 'very' or 'fairly' common has decreased steadily from 51 per cent in 1993 to 28 per cent in 2003.
Table 6.2: Percentage of respondents considering specific crime types 'very' or 'fairly' common in their local area
Crime type | 1993 | 1996 | 2000 | 2003 |
People having their vehicles damaged by vandals | n/a | 43 | 44 | 41 |
People having things stolen from their vehicles | n/a | 42 | 35 | 30 |
People's homes being broken into | 51 | 39 | 30 | 28 |
People having their vehicles stolen | n/a | 32 | 23 | 25 |
People being attacked or assaulted in street/public place | 26 | 21 | 14 | 23 |
People assaulted by those they live with (domestic abuse) | 20 | 18 | 14 | 16 |
People being mugged or robbed in the street | 17 | 15 | 11 | 16 |
Note:
1. 'People having their vehicles damaged by vandals', 'people having things stolen from their vehicles', and 'people having their vehicles stolen' were asked about for the first time in the SCS in 1996.
2. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,530
2000 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,542
1996 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,511
1993 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,517
The proportion of respondents who considered people being attacked or assaulted in the street 'very' or 'fairly' common increased from 14 per cent in 2000 to 23 per cent in 2003, although the figure of 23 per cent more closely resembles the finding from 1996 for this question (21%), and remains lower than that from 1993 (26%). Further details on responses given in 2003 by key demographics can be seen in Appendix Table A.6.2.
Perceptions of signs of crime and disorder
Alongside perceptions of the frequency of crime, respondents were also asked how big a problem they considered specific signs of crime and disorder. Behaviours asked about ranged from signs of criminal acts such as drug taking to signs of anti-social behaviour such as rubbish in the street. As in 2000, people drinking or taking drugs in the street was considered to be the biggest problem (Figure 6.2), paralleling the finding that drug abuse is considered the most serious social problem in Scotland (Figure 6.1). The proportion who considered people drinking or taking drugs a 'very' or 'fairly' big problem increased from 40 per cent in 2000 to 44 per cent in 2003, a figure very similar to that found in 1996 (45%).
As such a common concern, it is worth unpicking reported concern about drinking and drug use to uncover which of these issues is of most concern to the public. Looking at the issues separately, we can see that it was most common for respondents to report that both drinking and drug use were a local problem: 25 per cent of all respondents considered both drinking and taking drugs to be a 'very' or 'fairly' big problem in their local area. On the other hand, just 12 per cent considered people drinking to be the only problem and 7 per cent said that people taking drugs was the only problem.
Figure 6.2: Percentage of respondents considering specific signs of disorder a 'very' or 'fairly' big problem

Note:
1. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,530
2000 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,542
Along with significant increases in the perception of drinking and drug use as a local problem, there were also significant increases in the percentage of people considering young people hanging around; rubbish and litter lying around; vandalism and graffiti; noisy neighbours; abandoned cars; and racially motivated attacks a 'very' or 'fairly' serious problem between 2000 and 2003. However, between 1996 and 2003, there were few differences, suggesting little change over the longer-term. 7
The likelihood of victimisation
Another way of looking at public perceptions of crime that directly relates to individual's feelings of safety, is to ask respondents not how common they think certain crimes are, but rather how likely they think they think it is that they themselves will become a victim of crime in the forthcoming 12 months. Such questions can give a better idea about the true extent of concern about crime than the more general questions reported above. Two crimes were asked about: housebreaking and crimes involving violence.
In terms of housebreaking, 10 per cent of respondents thought that it was 'very' or 'fairly' likely that their home would be broken into within the next year, an increase from 7 per cent in 2000. This is higher than the proportion of individuals who were, in fact, the victim of housebreaking in 2000 and 2003 (4% and 3% respectively). Thus, although housebreaking has shown signs of decreasing since 1999 (the SCS reports a non-significant decline between 1999 and 2002) and police recorded crime figures have shown a significant decrease, people's perception of their likelihood of falling victim to this type of crime has actually increased.
For violent crime, 8 per cent believed it was 'very' or 'fairly' likely that they would be the victim of a violent crime in 2003. Again, this is a rise from 5 per cent in 2000 and is double the actual prevalence of violent crime in 2002 which was 4 per cent.
Public anxiety about crime
A final way of uncovering the public's perceptions of crime is to ask them directly about their feelings of safety and their concern about crime. Questions were asked about respondents' feelings of safety walking alone after dark and of being home alone at night; their concern about them or others in their household becoming a victim of crime (in contrast to their likelihood of becoming a victim, reported above) and finally how much they were worried about specific types of crimes. Each of these will be explored in turn.
Feelings of safety
Walking alone at night
Asking whether individuals feel safe walking alone in their local area after dark can give an indication of their concern about becoming the victim of crime. Overall, two-thirds (66%) of people reported feeling safe ('very' or 'a bit'). However, one-third did not feel safe, with 13 per cent feeling 'very' unsafe and 19 per cent 'a bit unsafe' walking alone after dark.
As can be expected, there were marked differences by both age and sex (Figure 6.3). Forty-four per cent of women felt 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe walking alone after dark compared with just 18 per cent of men. Overall, people were more anxious about walking alone in their area after dark than in 2000 when 40 per cent of women and 14 per cent of men reported feeling 'a bit' or 'very' unsafe.
Figure 6.3: Percentage of respondents feeling 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe walking alone after dark

Note:
1. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,041
In terms of age, those aged 60 or over were the most likely to feel unsafe walking alone after dark. Together, these differences by age and sex resulted in women aged over 60 being the group most likely to feel unsafe, with over half (52%) reporting feeling 'a bit' or 'very' unsafe when walking alone after dark (Figure 6.3). It is interesting to note that there was little difference in the proportion reporting to be 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe between the ages of 16 and 59 for both men and women, but after that age such feelings increased substantially. Further information on feelings of safety walking after dark by the demographic characteristics of respondents is provided in Table A.6.3.
Being alone at home at night
A question relating to feelings of safety when alone at home at night produced a similar pattern of results, although far fewer (7%) reported feeling 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe alone at home at night. Ten per cent of women compared to just 3 per cent of men reported feeling 'a bit' or 'very' unsafe when in this situation. Interestingly, it was 16 to 24 year-old women who were most afraid of being alone in their home at night, not those aged 60 or over (Figure 6.4)
Figure 6.4: Percentage of respondents feeling 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe alone at home after dark

Note:
1. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,041
Worry about crime
Respondents were asked the question, ' Do you ever worry about the possibility that you or anyone else who lives with you might be the victim of a crime?'. Forty-seven per cent of respondents agreed with this statement, a similar proportion to 2000 (48%).
Amongst those 25 or over, there was little difference between men and women in the extent to which they worry about crime. However, amongst 16 to 24 year olds, women were far more likely to report being worried than men (56% versus 32% respectively). Those aged 60 or over were less likely than other age groups to report being worried about the possibility of them or those they live with becoming the victim of crime, a result which contrasts to the findings reported above, but in line with the facts reported in Chapter 5 that those aged 60 or over were less likely to be the victim of both personal and household crime. Full details of the responses to this question can be found in Appendix Table A.6.4.
Figure 6.5: Percentage of respondents worried that they or others in their household will be the victim of crime

Note:
1. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=2,530
Worry about specific crimes
Finally, in addition to asking respondents about the generic category of 'crime' reported above, the 2003 SCS also asked people how worried they were about becoming the victim of a series of specific crimes, (Table 6.3).
As in previous years, the most common concern related to housebreaking, with just under half (45%) reporting that they were 'very' or 'fairly' worried about being the victim of this type of crime, the same proportion as in 2000 (Table 6.3). A substantial proportion (39%) also reported being 'very' or 'fairly' worried about becoming the victim of vehicle vandalism, again a similar proportion to 2000 (37%). This is despite the increase in incidents of vehicle vandalism reported in 2002, as discussed in Chapter 3.
Of concern is the increase in worry about racial attacks between 2000 and 2003, again mirroring the finding in Figure 6.1, which indicated a growing opinion that racial abuse was a serious problem in Scotland. Eleven per cent reported being 'very' or 'fairly' worried about becoming the victim of a racial attack, despite the fact that only 2 per cent indiciated that they were from a black or ethinic minority group. However, the extent of worry amongst black or ethnic minotiry groups far exceeded worry amongst white respondents; 42 per cent of black or ethinc minotory respondents reported being 'very' or 'fairly' worried about becoming the victim of a racial attack compared with only 10 per cent of white respondents. 8
For all the crimes that have been asked about since 1993 (housebreaking, sexual assault, robbery and assault) there was a significant decrease in the proportion indicating that they were worried between 1993 and 2003. A full demographic analysis of those who said they worried about specific types of crimes is provided in Appendix A.6.4.
Table 6.3: Percentage of respondents 'very' or 'fairly' worried that they will be the victim of specific crimes: 1993-2003
| 1993 | 1996 | 2000 | 2003 |
Having home broken into and sm'thing stolen | 59 | 52 | 45 | 45 |
Vehicle Vandalism | n/a | n/a | 37 | 39 |
Sexual assault (women only) | 55 | 51 | 41 | 39 |
Vandalism to home | n/a | 43 | 37 | 38 |
Being mugged and robbed | 48 | 43 | 34 | 38 |
Assault | 45 | 42 | 32 | 35 |
Theft from car | n/a | n/a | 32 | 32 |
Theft of car | n/a | n/a | 31 | 32 |
Racial attack | n/a | n/a | 7 | 11 |
Note:
1. Vandalism to home was first asked in the SCS in 1996. Vehicle vandalism, theft from a car, theft of a car and racial assault were first asked in the SCS in 2000
2. Non-responses and 'not applicable' were excluded from analysis
3. Source: 2003 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,041
2000 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,059
1996 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,045
1993 Scottish Crime Survey, unweighted n=5,030
4. Sexual Assault was only asked of women: 2003 unweighted n=2,377; 2000 unweighted n=2,404; 1996 unweighted n=5,310; 1993 unweighted n=2,693
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