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REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS IN SCOTLAND: A SKILLS AND ASPIRATIONS AUDIT

2.3 skills

In this section of the report we outline the language, literacy and other skills asylum seekers and refugees indicated that they had, in addition to their professional and trade skills gained through employment. We felt it was important to try and get a sense of the full range of the skills that asylum seekers and refugees had, and therefore asked about their involvement in clubs and voluntary organisations outside of paid employment.

Language and literacy skills

Due to the nature of this project, the assessment of language and literacy skills in terms of fluency has been left to the respondents themselves, using the descriptors "fluently", "fairly well", "a little bit" and "not at all." It is possible, therefore, that some respondents may have over or under-estimated their language and literacy skills. ¹⁴ Nonetheless the information that the Audit was able to gather gives some indication of the number of languages spoken and the levels of language and literacy fluency of the refugees and asylum seekers in each of these.

Languages spoken

The total number of languages spoken (at any level) by the respondents was 90. In terms of first languages spoken by the respondents, there were 46. The most prevalent first languages spoken by refugees and asylum seekers who participated in the study included, Farsi (71), Arabic (53), Kurdish (54), French (35), Albanian (24), Russian (23), Tamil (23) and English (20).

The language skills of respondents varied with approximately 25% of respondents speaking one language, just over 42% speaking 2 and just over 20% speaking 3 (fluently or fairly well). Generally, the respondents indicated that their linguistic skills were very good, with over 10% indicating that they could speak 4 or more languages either fluently or very well. Male respondents were more likely to indicate that they were multi-lingual than female respondents.

Approximately 86% of respondents said they could read fluently and 82% said they could write fluently in their first language. Men's reading and writing ability in their first language was also slightly better than women's.

English Language and Literacy Skills

The responses to questions about language and literacy skills with reference to English provide a rough indicator for language and literacy proficiency. Although a very small number of respondents declared that they could not speak English at all (4%), almost half the respondents (approximately 46%) indicated that they could speak "a little bit" of English (Figure 2.9). This, clearly, will have repercussions for those refugees and asylum seekers (with permission to work) when attempting to gain access to the labour market or further educational opportunities.

Respondents were more likely to indicate a level of fluency in reading and writing in English than they were to indicate that they had fluency in speaking English. This could be due to a greater level of confidence amongst respondents in terms of reading and writing as opposed to speaking. A marginally higher percentage of women (approximately 17%) indicated they could speak English fluently compared with men (approximately 16% see Figure 2.10) and a slightly higher percentage of men than women could not speak any English at all (Figure 2.11). This pattern was replicated with regard to reading and writing ability in English, with a slightly higher percentage of women than men indicating fluency in both. More men (8.7% of men) than women (6.9% of women) indicated that they could not write in English at all (Figure 2.11).

Of those who indicated they could speak English fluently (85 respondents), 40% said that they could speak a second language fluently or fairly well. Almost 33% said that they could speak a third language fluently or fairly well and 20% said that they were fluent in a fourth language or could speak it fairly well.

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Access to English language training

Women were slightly more likely than men to have received any English language training in their country of origin which may account for women being proportionally more likely than men to indicate better levels of fluency and literacy in English. For the most part, English language training took the form of lessons at school, though some refugees and asylum seekers said that they had private language tuition and, as some refugees and asylum seekers are from English speaking countries, English is their first language.

The majority (72%) of refugees and asylum seekers who participated in the Audit had accessed English language training in Scotland (Table 2.5). Women were more likely than men to have accessed English language training and this difference was not down to, for example, more women than men having Refugee, ELR or ILR status. The experience of attending English language training in Scotland was mentioned positively by a number of respondents who specifically referenced how much they enjoyed the process of learning English. This often related to opportunities for meeting other people and making friends, as well as specific mention of appreciation of support from teachers.

"I am happy being a student at Anniesland College. I am meeting people and it makes me feel great whenever we share ideas" (male refugee, Burundi).

"For the moment, I am learning English and I think it is improving. I think it will help me to find a job" (female refugee, Burundi).

"I like going to college and learning English so I will be able to start at the university and do another course at the college" (female asylum seeker, DRC).

"Anniesland College is fantastic" (female refugee, Iraq).

However, some respondents indicated that they had either been unable, or had chosen not to access English Language training. The biggest reason given for not accessing English language training was that the language skills of the individual respondent were already good. This was the case for approximately 9% of women compared to 7% of men.

Eight women indicated that they had not attended English language training due to childcare issues and this was also the case for one man. Other reasons included a lack of information, being on the waiting list for an available place, transportation, and health problems.

The responses to the Audit suggest that access to English language training and support is generally good, but that there are still some people who, for a variety of reasons, have not been able to take advantage of the English language training. However, as this study did target large numbers of asylum seekers who were studying English language in Glasgow colleges, and was unable to access those refugees and asylum seekers who were possibly more isolated, this may not be a representative picture. Further research may be necessary to ascertain whether this level of access is normal so as to obtain more detailed information about who is accessing English language training, who is not and the reasons why this might be so.

Table 2.5 Respondents who have received English language training since arrival in Scotland

Other skills

As the NIACE skills audit had done, we felt that it was important to try and get a sense of the full range of skills that refugees and asylum seekers have. With this in mind, we asked them about the experiences and skills that they may have developed in their leisure time. We wanted to know about respondents' skills including, for example, sports, music, campaigning or other organisational/administrative skills that they had developed outside of their paid employment which may nonetheless, have a currency in the UK job market.

Given the backgrounds and experiences of respondents that had given rise to their claim for asylum in the UK and their dispersal or residence in Scotland, this question had to be asked with a degree of sensitivity. The activities of respondents outside of paid employment may have been a key reason for their need to leave their country and claim asylum in the UK, particularly if they had been members of political or religious groups.

Of those refugees and asylum seekers who responded to this question, 37.5% indicated that they had been (or were currently) involved with a group, club or association. Of those respondents who provided us with further information, the most popular kinds of clubs were political associations, sports clubs, social clubs, religious groups and NGO organisations (Table 2.6). These respondents indicated that, from their experiences in these groups, they had been able to develop a broad range of organisational and administrative skills including communication skills, skills in campaigning and advocacy, fundraising and IT.

In addition, respondents indicated that their involvement in these groups had helped them to resolve issues in their communities, learn more about their rights and entitlements and to " make friends and live a more fulfilling life" (female asylum seeker, Burundi). One respondent referenced his appreciation of the experience of voluntary training in his own skill area.

Table 2.6 Groups, clubs or associations (condensed)

2.4 Employment

Until 2002, asylum seekers were not permitted to work during the first 6 months of their stay in the UK. After 6 months the primary applicant was entitled to apply to the Immigration and Nationality Directorate (IND) of the Home Office for permission to work (dependants of the primary applicant were not, however, allowed to work until the primary applicant received a positive decision on his/her claim). This concession was ended on 23 July 2002. As such, those who currently have permission to work are allowed to continue working and those who had already applied for permission to work, but have not yet received a decision, will also be dealt with under the previous policy (Refugee Council Online 2003). Those who have been granted refugee status, ELR or ILR, have the same employment rights as other residents in the European Union.

Employment History (Outside the UK)

The skills and experience respondents had gained and developed in employment before coming to the UK to claim asylum were hugely varied. They included highly specialised skills in areas of medicine (for example, surgical skills and skills in midwifery, obstetrics and gynaecology), law and engineering. In addition, respondents indicated that they had a wealth of management expertise, agricultural, social and economic development, trades skills (such as carpentry and building) and IT experience.

Fifty-two per cent (272) of respondents said they were in paid employment in their country of origin and a further approximately 18% (41) said they were self-employed. Of these, 85% (231) said they were in full-time paid employment and 15% said they were in part-time paid employment before coming to the UK (Figure 2.12). Women (approximately 32% overall) were significantly less likely than men (54%) to have been in full-time paid employment and significantly more likely to indicate that they were unemployed (or not in paid employment) prior to coming to the UK (over 50% of women compared with just over 15% of men). Respondents were given the option of indicating multiple occupations. Figure 2.13 therefore represents those people who are/were both working in the family home and who are/were students and who are/were volunteering, etc.

What we do not know are the factors that impacted on people's employment status before coming to the UK. However, some respondents indicated specific reasons for their unemployment including that they were studying, were full-time home-makers, working as a volunteer or were unable to work due to other reasons (including prohibition from employment and imprisonment).

"I had 2 textile factories and a successful business company in Iran but my Government had frozen everything" (male asylum seeker, Iran).

Levels of part-time employment were fairly even across male (8%) and female (7.7%) respondents. Men were much more likely than women to be self-employed.

The employment histories of the respondents were broad and many people had a varied career history which included a secondary occupation. The kinds of work that respondents had been doing before coming to the UK ranged from a number of jobs in the trade and service industries, teaching in schools or universities, being a salesperson, being a medical professional, managing staff in factories and other businesses, working on farms and working in offices as administrators and secretaries (Table 2.7). The jobs that respondents held also followed fairly typical gendered lines in that women were more likely to be teachers in schools and men were more likely to be managers or doctors. Nonetheless, the respondents indicated that they had a very broad range of skills, experiences and positions of responsibility in employment in their countries of origin, which the vast majority have been unable to utilise in the UK.

Table 2.7Profession

Employment History (in the UK)

The fieldworkers reported that the employment history section of the questionnaire provoked a great deal of frustration and anger for asylum seekers who are currently prohibited from seeking paid work, and who have encountered barriers to accessing voluntary work or work experience. A number of asylum seekers stated that they were unhappy at being forced to sit in their accommodation with nothing to do whilst a decision was made about their status. For refugees, the issues about accessing employment are different, in that they have the right to work, but face a number of barriers to doing so (for example, language skills, lack of certification, etc).

Numbers in paid employment

Overall, 30 (5.7%) of the 523 refugees and asylum seekers who responded to the Audit indicated they were in employment in the UK. Of these, 12 indicated that they were in full-time paid employment (Figure 2.14) with a further 15 indicating that they were in part-time paid employment and 3 respondents declared self-employment. The vast majority (80%) of those in paid employment were male.

Amongst the 147 refugee respondents to this Skills Audit (this includes those respondents who had been granted ILR or ELR), we found that 10 (6.8%) were in employment. Five were currently in full-time employment, a further 4 were in part-time employment and one was self-employed. The Audit does not tell us how many of the 368 asylum seeker respondents had been granted permission to work. However, 218 of these indicated that they had first come to the UK to claim asylum before the end of 2001 (Table 2.1) and could therefore have been eligible to apply for permission to work before the concession was ended in July 2002. The number of asylum seekers who were eligible to work in the UK could have been as many as 218, but it also may have been much lower. Of these 218 asylum seekers, 7 were in full-time employment, 11 in part-time employment and 2 declared self-employment. ¹⁹ Therefore, of the combined respondents with refugee status, ELR, ILR and asylum seekers who may have had permission to work (365 overall), 8.2% were either in paid employment or self-employed.

Again, it is important to note that this survey targeted refugees and asylum seekers who were accessing SRC services and English Language Training. While this may have excluded those who are not accessing employment, training or support services, it may also have excluded those refugees who were in full time employment and who may be less likely therefore, to be attending English Language classes or to be using SRC services. There may be refugees and asylum seekers (with the right to work) who have successfully accessed employment appropriate to their skills, experience and level of qualification, but this was not the common experience of those who participated in the survey. Previous research in this area suggests however, that there is a low-level of labour market participation amongst refugees in the UK (Bloch 2002). ²⁰

The majority of those refugees (and some of those asylum seekers) who indicated that they were currently working in Scotland felt that their current occupation was not in keeping with the skills and qualifications that they possessed. Of those who responded with details to the questions relating to their employment in the UK, most had been in post for less than a year. Posts tended to be focussed in the service industries (cafés, take-away restaurants, shops, etc) with some voluntary sector work. Most of the jobs undertaken by refugees and asylum seekers had no "on the job" training.

Of those respondents who indicated that they were currently working - one university level qualified respondent indicated that he was in full-time paid employment with 6 university level educated respondents indicating that they were in part-time paid employment.

Of the 12 respondents who indicated they were in full-time paid employment in Scotland, 4 had run small businesses prior to coming to the UK, 2 had been sales people, a further 2 were manual workers, one was a teacher and one a secretary. The 15 respondents who indicated that they were currently in part-time paid employment had similarly worked in a wide variety of jobs prior to coming to the UK, including a nurse, a civil engineer, taxi driver and a shopkeeper. Only one respondent had previously worked in the catering industry (as a chef), and the single respondent who had worked in a shop had been the owner of it.

Length of Employment

Of those who were currently employed, the majority (26) had been working for one year or less. Nineteen respondents indicated that they were in temporary posts and a further 14 indicated they were permanent staff. As there were thirty respondents who indicated that they were currently in full or part-time work or were self-employed, these figures may include people who were not in paid employment but were working as volunteers (30 respondents). Fourteen of those respondents currently in paid employment or working as a volunteer indicated that they had received "on the job" training, compared with 29 who had not.

Relationship of English language skills to employment

Of the 12 respondents who had been able to obtain full-time employment in the UK, 3 could speak English "fluently", 6 "fairly well" and 3 "a little bit" (Figure 2.14). Of the 15 respondents who had been able to obtain part-time employment, one person's English language ability was unclear, but 4 could speak English "fluently", 4 "fairly well" and a further 6 "a little bit".

Because the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers (with permission to work) who participated in the Audit and indicated that they were in paid employment are low, it is impossible for us to come to any conclusions about the relationship between language and employment. The correlation between fluency in English language and access to jobs is also dependant on a number of other factors including the type of job refugees are applying for and the level of English required for the job. For example, refugee doctors and teachers are required to achieve a certain level of proficiency as judged through the International English Language Testing System (IELTS) in order to be eligible for practice in their profession in the UK. Refugees may fail the test due to other factors such as a strong regional accent despite having a high level of proficiency in the English language. ²¹ Additionally, there is a risk that those refugees and asylum seekers (with the right to work) who are proficient in spoken English, but are less fluent in their written English, may not make it to the interview stage of the recruitment process. Equally, those who are proficient in reading and writing but are less fluent in spoken English may find it difficult to negotiate the interview stage.

The Audit did not specifically ask how satisfied respondents were with the English language training they had received. However, previous studies indicate that refugees and asylum seekers are often attending ESOL courses (English for Speakers of Other Languages) in the hope of improving their employment prospects, but do not always find them designed to address these needs (Aldridge and Waddington 2002: 22; Bloch 2002: 65). The authors of the NIACE skills audit report therefore recommend that "ESOL courses should be designed so as to integrate the needs of portfolio preparation and specialised vocational vocabulary and literacy, which are relevant to employment, qualifications and skills requirements" (Aldridge and Waddington 2002: 22). This would suggest that a distinction needs to be made between the provision of basic English language teaching and more specific needs for vocational English language teaching that prepares refugees for work in particular sectors such as construction or IT. A successful example of this specialist vocational English language teaching is the 'English for Doctors Programme' taught at Anniesland College in Glasgow.

Satisfaction with Current Occupation

"My job is local and I have been recognised as a good worker and have recently had a pay rise" (male asylum seeker, Pakistan).

Seven of those respondents in employment at the time of the survey stated that that their job was "ok" or they enjoyed it, and an equal number said that they would like a different job more relevant to their skills and experiences. As with English language training and voluntary work, respondents who expressed satisfaction with their current job indicated that they particularly appreciated the opportunity to meet people.

"I like the work because you meet a lot of different people with different backgrounds. I dislike the working time which is till late in the night" (male refugee, Kosovo).

For those small numbers of people who were working, there were issues however, relating to the temporary or part-time nature of the work, the job being far away, late working hours, being asked to work on days off and suffering health problems as a result of work. Facing discrimination when searching for work and feeling unhappy about the perceived lack of support in their search for work were also mentioned.

"It is far away and not full-time. I would like to get a full-time and appropriate job for my qualifications - not a very high level but covering my educational field at least, to progress" (male refugee, Iraq).

"When you're doing packing work you have to bend strangely so it's very hard and your back aches. Everything is ok - everyone is good" (male asylum seeker, Burundi).

Some of those in employment also expressed dissatisfaction with the nature of their current employment, and a desire to work in an area which was more relevant to, and commensurate with their skills and qualifications.

"I would prefer to work in a field that is more relevant to my skills and qualifications" (female asylum seeker, Iran).

A few respondents also implied that a further barrier to finding employment commensurate with their skills and qualifications was the fact that many employers choose to employ illegal workers for less than the minimum wage.

"Because I don't want to work illegally and organisations don't want to employ legal workers because we cost more. Illegal workers will work for less" (male asylum seeker, Iran).

"It's very important to work because if you're unemployed and looking for benefits it's shame - I feel humiliation. In my opinion, it's better to have permission to work than disobey the law and work illegally" (female asylum seeker, Azerbaijan)

Without the legal right to work, some asylum seekers are thought to undertake illegal work, some of it dangerous (Hughes cited in Community Care 2003: 2), thereby also putting their physical health at risk. It has been suggested more generally that asylum seekers are already highly vulnerable to poverty and homelessness (GLA 2001: 25) and that this may be a further barrier to accessing employment for those who are entitled to work. For example, the GLA cites a case in which an asylum seeker who had been offered a job conditional on taking a short training course was unable to do so because he could not afford the fare to travel to the course (ibid: 47).

Barriers to applying specialist skills in the UK

This was not a direct question in the Audit but some respondents with specialist skills, particularly doctors and teachers, indicated that they would like to practice in the UK but were unable to do so for various reasons, including lack of permission to work and English language proficiency.

Of the 9 doctors who participated in the Audit, 5 were asylum seekers and the other 4 indicated that they had refugee status, ELR or ILR. All the doctors bar one (who indicated s/he would like to return to her/his country of origin) indicated that they wished to remain in Scotland and all of the doctors indicated that they would like to find a job that matched their skills and qualifications.

"I am happy in Scotland. But I am annoyed because I don't do anything - all I do is read and read in English to try to be able to talk to people here. Here I have few friends and nothing to do. I used to work 12 hours a day in a hospital" (male asylum seeker, Guinea).

All of the doctors indicated that they would like some help with their language skills, including those who had indicated that they felt they were fluent in spoken English. The doctors, who expressed high levels of motivation to practice, also indicated a desire to work in a voluntary or work placement capacity, as well as obtain further training. For those doctors who are currently asylum seekers the primary issue was to be granted permission to work.

Four of the doctors indicated that they were currently doing some voluntary work, but that this was not linked in any capacity to health or medical work. Although we can only approximate time spent in the UK as an asylum-seeker or refugee from the self-declared responses, the information we have seems to indicate that, although some of the doctors are relatively new arrivals (March 2003, December 2002, September 2002 and July 2002), other medically trained refugees and asylum seekers had been in the UK and unable to use their medical skills and expertise for well over 2-3 years at the time of questionnaire completion (July 2000, May 2000, April 2000, August 1999 and August 1998).

Of the 36 teachers, 27 were asylum seekers and 9 were refugees or had ELR or ILR status. Although one respondent had come to the UK to claim asylum as early as 1997, the rest of the respondents had been here for varying lengths of time since May 2000. Ten had been in Scotland from between May and December 2000, 14 from between January and November 2001, 9 from between January and December 2002, and 2 came to Scotland in 2003.

There are a number of reasons as to why it may be inappropriate or difficult for a refugee to apply his or her teaching skills in the UK, including the expense of re-qualifying and a lack of knowledge about how to qualify to practice in the UK and of their entitlements to support to do so. In addition, the costs of travel, childcare and up-to-date course books may prove to be barriers. ²² One respondent also suggested that "the trade union teaching board is very closed, difficult to penetrate" (female refugee, DRC).

Even if their teaching qualifications are comparable to those in the UK, refugees may not have their certificates with them nor be able to provide references. ²³ Many refugees have fled from politically unstable countries and many have been subject to torture and persecution. It is likely, therefore, that they will be unable to trace work colleagues to provide references and that they may have been unable to work in their own countries for anything up to a number of years. Moreover, the trauma suffered by refugees may in itself be a barrier to their ability to return to teaching. Those refugees who are able to work as teachers in the UK may have to adjust to cultural differences in, for example, the style and methods of teaching and disciplining children as well as confronting differences in the educational system itself. ²⁴

Not Working

Approximately 120 refugees and asylum seekers referenced not working and the inability to work as issues that made them unhappy and over 40 referenced their frustration at having nothing to do, wasting time and their skills, feeling bored and lazy and being unable to contribute through work to Scottish society.

"Would like to have decision as soon as possible and then be able to work. Would be grateful for this - not to have to live on benefits. If I didn't have political reason to come I would have stayed in Iran because I had a good life and situation there" (male asylum seeker, Iran).

"I'm unemployed doing nothing. I don't want to sit at home. I want to go out and earn money. I am a responsible, respectable man and I can support myself if they let me" (male asylum seeker, Angola).

"I am not feeling well because I am not allowed to do anything. This is like wasting life and I wish to be a good citizen for this country through working and serving people" (male asylum seeker, Zimbabwe).

Work and social integration

Access to work for refugees and asylum seekers was identified by respondents to this Audit (and by respondents to the other Audits that we have referenced) as pivotal to the process of settlement and integration. Many of those asylum seekers who were not permitted to work indicated that the inability to find appropriate, or indeed any type of work had implications for their well-being, particularly their mental health, and for their ability to integrate in Scottish society. Some respondents felt that the boredom and frustration of being unable to work was contributing to increased isolation and depression, reduced confidence and low self esteem .

"As an asylum seeker I am very stuck - the Home Office don't give me a work permit so I'm only at home and going to a few courses. I don't have many relatives here and can get depressed" (female asylum seeker, Pakistan).

"I am not feeling well because I am not allowed to do anything" (female asylum seeker, Iran).

" I am not working at the moment. I believe that when I start work I will gain more confidence, experience and learn the culture of the people in Scotland" (female asylum seeker, Rwanda).

Refugees have been found to be at high risk of social isolation and depression, particularly in dispersal areas (Ager et al. 2002; Wren and Boyle, 2002). It has also been suggested that the confidence gained from work, combined with an opportunity to meet local people in the workplace could encourage long-term settlement of refugees and asylum seekers and promote community cohesion (Ahmad quoted in Community Care 2003).

A recent research project which examined the relationship between work and health for migrants in 3 European countries (Italy, Sweden and Britain) found there was a relationship between poor health and de-skilling for migrants (Wren and Boyle, 2002). The report's authors describe deskilling as a process where qualifications and skills that have been obtained through education or employment are either not recognized or not used after migration. This results in "downward occupational mobility and potential loss of skills" (2002: 40). With reference to refugees and asylum seekers, deskilling can have a profound impact on health (physical and mental) as non-participation in the labour market can lead to welfare dependency, poverty and longer-term social-exclusion. This has implications for the successful integration of refugees (and potential refugees) into Scottish and UK society.

Finally, being unable to work could particularly affect those with specialist occupations, such as health professionals, who need to keep their skills up to date (Refugee Council Briefing 2002).

2.5 Aspirations and Hopes for the Future

For many of the refugees and asylum seekers who participated in this study, the main aspiration was to receive a positive decision on their asylum claim and to access appropriate employment and training so that they could begin to contribute to Scottish society. Many respondents referenced wanting to work so that they could pay taxes, national insurance and consolidate their settlement here. In addition to the positive experiences people referenced and the opportunities they were keen to explore, a number of respondents also highlighted negative experiences which presented barriers to their feeling settled and integrated in the UK.

Living in Scotland

The vast majority of respondents (88%) said that they would like to remain in Scotland and 6% (32) indicated that they would prefer to move to England. A very small number of respondents indicated that they wanted to move abroad. We have no way of knowing of course, whether those respondents who expressed a desire to stay in Scotland will in fact do so.

People also made positive comments about being in Scotland: saying that they liked living here and about enjoyed the freedom they experienced n Scotland, or were grateful that they were now living in a safe place.

"I am happy because I am here and don't have any problems" (male asylum seeker, DRC).

"I am happy that I am here because I have escaped death and torture and come to a safe place. If I am given the privilege to be of value to the country and the community I will really appreciate that" (male asylum seeker, Zimbabwe).

"I like learning English. I like Scotland. I like Scottish people" (female asylum seeker, Sri Lanka).

"I love Scotland and Scottish people - very friendly. Really would like to do anything, any job to help Scotland and Scottish people. I would like to volunteer, to do something active in the community" (male asylum seeker, Sudan).

Some respondents, although keen to stay in Scotland, did not like the area they were currently living in (due primarily to their experience of racist abuse).

"I like college and that I was able to register to train to work in the NHS. I don't like that I have been racially abused. I don't like that my flat is dirty" (male asylum seeker, Iraq).

"Scotland has some kind and lovely people but unfortunately I'm not living in a very nice place" (male asylum seeker, Iran).

Although asylum seekers who get permission to remain may wish to continue to live in Scotland, pressures of accessing work, location of family members and of appropriate minority ethnic communities and facilities may in fact, pull many people to move to cities in England such as London, Manchester or Birmingham (Joly et al. 1997). As we outlined in the introduction to this Audit, policy makers and some Scottish employers are keen to attract "fresh talent" to the country and keen that Scotland is seen and experienced as a welcoming and liberal country to live and work in. If Scotland wishes to retain the skills and experiences of this highly motivated group of people, it will need to consider strategies for encouraging refugees to remain in Scotland rather than move elsewhere in the UK.

Integration

It is recognised that integration is a term open to interpretation. ²⁵ Those who specifically referenced the term did so in the context of expressing a desire to learn more about the way of life in Scotland and to interact with a wider community. Again, being unable to work was felt to be a barrier to achieving social integration.

"To know about way of life here and know language. To know how things are done here. Would like to integrate to wider community" (male asylum seeker, Somalia).

"Know more about the way of life here. Learn more English. Integrate more and mingle with society" (male asylum seeker, Somalia).

"Not being allowed to work - just staying at home alone makes it very difficult to interact with society" (female asylum seeker, Zimbabwe).

Respondents also indicated that they were unfamiliar with local systems and support structures and needed help to access the relevant information.

"I think it would be a great help to know where to go and find information about how to get what I'm looking for" (female asylum seeker, Iran).

The need for more information and support on accessing jobs has been frequently cited by refugees and asylum seekers in other research studies (Tait 2003: 16-21) and was raised by a number of respondents to this Audit. Fifty-one respondents (almost 10%) specifically indicated that they needed more information about jobs.

"The system is different in Iraq and the UK, making it hard to find a job without help" (male refugee, Iraq).

There were those who felt that they were receiving adequate support to participate in Scottish economic and social life and expressed contentment with their situation.

"I'm improving my English and I'm on the New Deal at the Job Centre looking for a good job. I'm here with my family. I'm happy" (male refugee, Iran).

Security

A number of respondents expressed a desire to integrate into Scottish society but, for many, this was felt to be largely dependant on receiving a positive decision on their claim. Many respondents indicated that they could not begin to feel truly settled and integrated into Scottish society until they secured refugee, ILR or ELR status (under the previous legislation - now Humanitarian Protection or Discretionary Leave to Remain) and, with it, the legal entitlement to work.

"I cannot plan my life without the knowledge of when my status will be determined by the Home Office" (male asylum seeker, Zimbabwe).

"Would like immigration to speak to me and sort things out. Feel stuck at the moment. Want to be like everybody else - working and paying tax regularly" (male asylum seeker, Libya).

"Happy to live in Scotland but not allowed to work and have no clear status. It's like you came from prison to another prison. Like you are locked up, tied up. The headache of not knowing what will happen has put me in a corner. I feel like I'm useless" (male asylum seeker, Sudan).

Negative Experiences

In addition to the many positive aspects of living in Scotland that respondents identified, there were a number of negative issues raised which related predominantly to unemployment and permission to work. Some respondents also used the questionnaire as an opportunity to raise issues about experiencing harassment in their local area.

Racism and Harassment

Five people specifically mentioned having experienced racist abuse or assault and 14 others mentioned problems with their housing, area or neighbours :

"Living in Glasgow's high-rise flats with junkie neighbours, drug dealers and drug addicts and racist people is very horrible" (male asylum seeker, Pakistan).

"Some Scottish people are nice, some neighbours are not - knocking on doors and running away, leaving rubbish outside the door" (female asylum seeker, Iraq).

"My sisters and I, we were on several occasions victims of assault by Scottish youngsters. That is why we do not feel in a safe place" ( female asylum seeker, DRC).

But the predominant concern in the context of a questionnaire investigating skills, qualifications and experiences, was access to work.

Access to Employment

Many asylum seekers took the opportunity to voice their frustrations and concerns about being denied the opportunity to work as outlined earlier in the report. Seventy-one asylum seekers referred to the need to obtain the permission to work that came with refugee status.

"Getting a permit to work - to help myself and other people" (male asylum seeker, Pakistan).

"Just give me a work permit because I've been here for one year and two months without it" (male asylum seeker, Cameroon).

"Permission to work - after I get that I will be happy with my family here" (male asylum seeker, Afghanistan).

Anxiety and depression

Many of the respondents expressed feelings of anxiety or depression due to the uncertainty about their claims, the situation in their home country and their area or housing they were currently living in. In the wider context, anxiety about asylum claims and frustration about having had to wait and live with uncertainty for long periods without being able to plan for the future were also mentioned by many people, as highlighted earlier. People also expressed anxiety about their family or the situation in their country. Others specifically stated that they were depressed.

"I don't have a decision on my case - I feel depressed and nervous" (male asylum seeker, Iran).

"I don't have papers. I don't have a house. I can't work. My future is uncertain" (male asylum seeker, Algeria).

"Would like to study and complete medicine or join social work organisation. Not happy because (I) sit idle all day, thinking about what's happening in our country. Want to forget my country and serve this country because it provided me with asylum" (female asylum seeker, Algeria).

"I want to have activities to keep from getting depressed" (male asylum seeker, Iran).

Future Opportunities

Whether or not they were unemployed or unsatisfied with their current occupation, the vast majority of respondents were keen to improve their skills and qualifications, and to obtain further work experience in order to help them to find a job. Respondents also expressed a desire to obtain further training, to improve their English language skills and to volunteer. The responses represented in Figure 2.15 are based on multiple responses as respondents were allowed to tick more than one box in this section of the questionnaire.

The questionnaire also provided space in which refugees and asylum seekers could expand further on firstly, what factors they felt would be most beneficial to them being able to access employment in Scotland and secondly, about anything relating to living and working that they felt was important.

Improving English Language Skills

Seventy-two percent of respondents said they would like to improve their English language skills when asked what they would like to do next. One hundred and thirty one refugees and asylum seekers also identified this as the single most significant thing that they felt would improve their employment prospects and/or their ability to find work in Scotland.

"I think I need to improve my language skills and I'd like to improve my qualifications... I think I must go to university for different training in my skills. I hope I can find a job that's equal to my experience" (female asylum seeker, Iran).

"I think English classes improve my employment prospects and improve my ability to get the job I would like to do in Scotland. I would like to be a teacher" (female asylum seeker, Iran).

" I would like to improve my English skills and get a training course and to find a good and suitable job for me so that I can serve the Scottish community" (male refugee, Iraq).

Accessing further training

When asked what they would like to do next, a significant number (66.5%) of refugees and asylum seekers expressed a desire to obtain further training in order to improve their skills and qualifications. In response to the question "what do you think would significantly improve your employment prospects and/or your ability to get the job you would like to do in Scotland?" 36% (190) of respondents identified a need for further training including university study. Of these, 92 indicated a need for college training or were non-specific about the type of training, 20 expressed a need for IT and computing skills and 21 indicated a need for undergraduate and postgraduate university education. Thirty-nine of those who identified a need for further training or university study indicated specific training needs in order to gain locally recognised certificates in various areas including medicine, engineering, plumbing, training as an electrician and to gain an HGV driving license.

"I want to work as a doctor - I need medical English training and training about the health system here - I am used to a different system" (male asylum seeker, Guinea) .

Volunteering and work experience

Significant numbers of respondents also said they would like to volunteer (34.4%) and/or do work experience placements (46.3%) to improve their skills and experience. All these responses relating to language training, further education, volunteering and work placements would suggest that levels of motivation amongst refugees and asylum seekers are very high and that this motivation constitutes a resource in itself.

"Education is the key and socialisation is the bridging stone in any society. Hence I would like to get education that is equivalent to natives and work with them together as one family" (male refugee, Burundi).

Non-discrimination

Other refugees and asylum seekers seemed somewhat bewildered by their experiences and were not entirely clear about what they thought the key issues might be, but indicated nonetheless that they felt that they were the victims of discrimination due to their nationality, and expressed a desire to be treated equally to UK citizens.

"I know there are many jobs everywhere in the job centres - any place, but my problem is NI number and reference and CV and my education and my nationality. I feel always I'm alone and foreign" (male asylum seeker, Palestine).

"… (T)o be not Algerian! People's attitudes a big problem and getting worse" (male asylum seeker, Algeria).

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