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CHILDREN'S ATTITUDES TO SUSTAINABLE TRANSPORT

CHAPTER SIX INFLUENCING ATTITUDES TO TRANSPORT AND BEHAVIOUR

INTRODUCTION

6.1 This section examines the influences that various approaches may have on young people's attitude to specific transport objectives, other competing influences, and the way in which such attitudes are or are not reflected in behaviour. It also considers parental attitudes and how these affect children. Throughout this chapter, attitudes and behaviour are considered together since, as will be discussed, the two are interdependent. Young people base their attitudes on what they experience through their behaviour, and in turn their attitudes influence behaviour.

6.2 Young peoples' transport needs and aspirations arise from the lifestyle choices they (or their parents) make. These lifestyle choices affect many short and long term decisions over education, employment, leisure and sport, and relationships. Research in Torbay highlighted the fact that transport issues were often a secondary consideration (or afterthought) to other choices made (TTR, 2002). Influences will come chiefly from a young person's:

• friends
• peer group
• media, mainly TV, Radio, magazines and the Internet
• parents and other relatives
• teachers and other adults

6.3 Young peoples' experiences of and general attitudes to transport have been well documented in a number of studies (Scottish Executive, 2002a, Save the Children Scotland, 2000, DfT, 1999 amongst others). These can be briefly summarised as follows:

• Young people are significant users of public transport, but not considered to be valuable customers by providers (or their drivers/operatives), for reasons of mistrust or lower revenue potential.
• Many studies highlight the importance of gaining young people's opinions of and inputs to transport services.
• Similar barriers to use exist for young people and adults when considering alternative transport choices. These include perceived reliability, convenience, cost, quality, and safety.
• Fare levels and the attitudes of transport staff are the two main reasons for young people feeling alienated by and poorly served by public transport, particularly buses.
• High aspiration for car ownership, Irrespective of their age or gender, or their geographical location - associated with success and high esteem.
• Perceptions of public transport evolve throughout young life in three phases: Younger children consider the fun aspects of transport. Older teenagers appreciate the independence that losing dependence on lifts can bring. The use of buses for purposes other than to school or college increases sharply at around the age of 13, when independent travel with friends becomes commonplace. Older teenagers and young adults use public transport for reasons of cost and mainly not out of choice. The aspiration for car ownership and use is high.

6.4 Children in Scotland are major users of dedicated school transport, and this experience over several years of school life, leaves a substantial impression on young adults at a crucial time when they are seeking greater independence. School bus services tend to use older and less comfortable vehicles. This is likely to be a result of the mistrust that is placed in young people by transport operators. This mistrust may lead to a downward circle where poor behaviour or vandalism leads to even poorer services and less respect from young travellers. Similar circumstances may arise in relation to the attitudes of drivers, another commonly cited problem.

6.5 A review undertaken by DTLR on the Effect of Travel Modes on Children's Cognitive Development highlighted the lack of understanding of this theme and detailed the research that remains to be carried out (DTLR, 2001):

• Research could address each of the component experiences of modes of travelling such as physical activity, diet and nutrition, and environmental, social, and cognitive experiences.
• Research directed at different modes of travel rather than the separate components of the travel experience.
• Wider effects such as influence of different modes of transport on children's independence, social networks, opportunities to participate in after school activities, and sense of wider community.
• Involving children in research.

6.6 Work of this kind will improve the understanding of how children's travel habits are influencing their development. Much evidence suggested for improved social skills and cognitive development is tentative and occasionally anecdotal.

UNDERSTANDING ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOUR

6.7 There has been considerable work in trying to understand the ways in which pro-environmental behaviour leads to change in attitudes. Research into public attitudes frequently indicates the need for caution in making assumptions about what the public think and how they behave. Links between attitudes and behaviours are notoriously hard to show with any degree of certainty. Two approaches can be considered: educational models, which relate to the acquisition of knowledge and skills, and psychological models, which draw from attitude theory. The simplest model relied on a linear progression of:

6.8 This approach, which is still used heavily in many awareness-raising campaigns, is generally accepted to be unsuccessful in changing behaviour. Recent environmental campaigns, for example as developed by DTLR and the Scottish Executive, have used this approach, with the principal result of raising awareness of environmental issues or travel options. Whilst such campaigns can claim some success in improving awareness and understanding of issues, simple information and exhortation are insufficient alone in leading to significant behavioural change. This is especially the case for more general awareness raising campaigns, as research shows that many individuals are not aware of what individual actions they can take, and the contribution that this will make (System 3, 2000, 2002, DEFRA, 1998).

6.9 In England & Wales, the "Are you doing your bit?" campaign was designed to address the problem of there being too many conflicting messages on environmental protection, through a campaign which would be easily understood, and which would demonstrate the importance and usefulness of individual action. Market research was commissioned to find out what messages would have the most practical impact on individual members of the public. The approach involved many elements of sustainable development, though that phrase was not used. A key part of the campaign was to show the link between individual and local action and its global consequences. It should be noted that research undertaken for development of this campaign did not include children's responses. (DEFRA, 1998)

6.10 The limitations of simpler, awareness raising approaches have been recognised in the Scottish Physical Activity Strategy, which proposes complementary local activity to back up wider awareness raising:

Raising knowledge and awareness among the public about the goals and the priorities is essential. Currently, only 34% of the population are aware of how much physical activity is needed for good health. Education programmes and the media can be effective in raising awareness and developing knowledge and understanding of the importance of physical activity. We recognize that this activity does not result in changes in people's behaviour without local services to back this up. We recommend that mass-media approaches are only used if they can be supported with local community-wide campaigns that tackle the need for strong social support and appropriate places in which to enjoy being active. There will also be an ongoing need to campaign for political and policy support for physical activity.

(Scottish Executive, 2002b)

6.11 An example of where learning and attitude change is undertaken jointly by child and parent/carer, which may have significance for sustainable travel activities, can be seen in road safety. The Children's Traffic Club, administered by Scottish Road Safety Campaign (SRSC) in Scotland, provides material to help parents and carers provide road safety advice to pre-school children. An evaluation showed that were statistically significant differences in the answers given by different groups of children (who had or had not taken part in the Club) to questions relating to road safety behaviour. There were also significant attitude changes amongst carers and, carers and children shared similar views. Evaluation of a similar scheme in England highlighted a statistically significant reduction in child casualties, where the child entered the road from behind a parked car, and a similar pattern is expected in Scotland (Scottish Executive, 2000a). It should be borne in mind that road safety is a topic in which parents have considerable personal interest and responsibility, a feature which is much less applicable to considerations of environmental impact.

6.12 SRSC is also active in promoting road safety education to older children. One of its resources is the children's 'travel pack' introduced in 1995 and revised in 1999. Research was commissioned to establish the extent of use of the travel pack among the target audience of children aged 8-10. This highlighted a lower change in awareness than that achieved with younger children. However, parents expressed a concern that their children do not always use their knowledge, highlighting the gaps between knowledge, attitudes and behaviour. (Scottish Executive, 2000b)

6.13 Different approaches to encourage cycling have been promoted in Northern Ireland, including a successful GCSE qualification in Motor Vehicle and Road User Studies, plus a cycle proficiency training scheme that is offered to all school children (Morrison, 1999). Research on roadcraft education in Leeds notes that extensive surveys of schoolchildren (n=3,500) showed that there was little evidence that cycle training led to more cycling (Haigh, 1999). It was concluded that a range of other measures addressing the fears of children would need to be implemented to complement this training, for example development of safer routes. Training projects with a strong community focus and more likely to promote participation (Scottish Executive, 2001). Issues that mitigate against women (and girls) cycling have been noted by various authors (e.g. Hardie, 1999, Lehner-Lierz, Krepler and Jenseth, 1999).

6.14 In terms of slightly older children, research for the Scottish Office highlighted the difference between young teenagers' knowledge and their actual behaviour relating to road safety: it was clear that road safety messages had been absorbed but had not been translated into action. Young teenagers were revealed as uninterested in road safety education, seeing it as something 'for kids' and as 'boring' and 'repetitive'. The influence of peers and lifestyle appears here, with some respondents speaking of being in a rush and that using crossings was not 'cool' (Scottish Office, 1998)

6.15 Other Travel Club activities in Austria indicated that take-up of alternatives was significantly greater in cases where young people are consulted about their transport needs. (Travel Club of Austria, 1998)

6.16 Various measures undertaken within the umbrella of Safe Routes to Schools have the primary objective of changing school travel behaviour, and in many cases success has been achieved e.g. through walking buses, infrastructure development. These initiatives are primarily aimed at the school journey, but will also influence attitudes to other journeys. It should be remembered that education journeys make up only a third of children's travel activities (Mackett, 2002).

6.17 The provision of information to promote sustainable school travel was the subject of a major recent review (Cleary Hughes /TRL, 2002). This work established the importance of style, content, timing, links/signposts of information provision, as well as recognising how school travel should be targeted at pupils, parents, teachers, school board members/ governors etc.

6.18 The work reflects the approach of individualised marketing approaches (e.g. TravelSmart experiments undertaken by Sustrans in SW England - Sustrans, 2002) in that a primary distinction can be made in the target audience between those who have little or no knowledge (needing introduction) and those sympathetic towards the concept who want to know more about actions to take.

6.19 This study also revealed that the major determinant of level of activity in promoting sustainable school travel was the socio-economic profile of the area. Schools in more deprived areas consider sustainability concerns as low priority compared to exam results, truancy, disaffection and social exclusion.

BARRIERS TO CHANGING BEHAVIOUR

6.20 Recent research for the Scottish Executive on barriers to modal shift revealed hard, soft and complementary barriers to changing travel behaviour. This work was focused on adult behaviour, and whilst barriers for children may be similar, there are likely to be differences in emphasis and also new issues arising from parental control and lack of independence. (DHC, 2002)

6.21 Similarly, the process of travel behaviour change identified by the Tapestry Project, as shown in Figure 1, is likely to be different for children, and different again for children of different ages. This model, along with others such as Contemplation of Change Theory, and Theory of Planned Behaviour (DiClemente and Prochaska, cited in Cleary Hughes/ TRL 2002, Forward, 1998) promote the concept of guiding people from one stage to the next, rather than presenting the "end state" as achievable in one go. In this way, changes in attitudes, knowledge and behaviour are realistic and practical. The development of such a model, with links to sustainable development, health and road safety education would be a valuable step forward in understanding how children's journeys can be influenced.

6.22 In consultation carried out for the Physical Activity Strategy for Scotland (Scottish Executive, 2003b), responses relating to barriers to more active and healthy travel focused heavily upon perceived dangers on the roads, the speed of traffic and the lack of safe places to walk and cycle. These were combined with encouragement of inactive behaviour and car use (e.g. through subsidised workplace or retail car parking).

6.23 Amongst the barriers and suggestions, the issue raised most frequently was the need for well-publicised, pleasant conditions for walking and cycling in urban and rural areas, with active travel and active living stressed throughout. It was suggested that the promotion of walking, cycling and public transport (described by one health organisation as a "health promoting active environment") should be key elements of this objective.

EFFECT ON PARENTS' TRAVEL ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOUR

6.24 Motivation as a parent will for most people be related to personal and family well-being, involving wealth, health, lifestyle, and environment. Pro-environmental behaviour for its own sake, for the benefit of others, or for "the planet" is uncommon. Assumptions about pro-environmental people, acting with the common good at heart, and not acting as parents, employees or consumers are likely to be misplaced (Scott & Gough, 2003). Most people will only alter their behaviour if the personal benefits outweigh any inconvenience involved.

Figure 1 Process of Travel Behaviour Change, as identified by TAPESTRY project

(TAPESTRY 2001)

6.25 Public attitudes, generally and specifically, show evidence of being affected by a range of factors. Recent UK research shows the complexity of the issues with some examples as follows (CfIT's 2002 survey):

6.26 Younger, less affluent people were more likely to walk to school with children (61% under 34 year olds and 67% on annual income under 11,500 who are more likely to have children of primary school age at a local school). Those aged 55+ are significantly more pessimistic than younger respondents about safety. People in rural areas are particularly concerned about the safety of cyclists (47% expect it to get worse).

6.27 Frequent taxi/minicab users are more likely to be aged 16-34, live in the North of England and have no access to their own car. Frequent users of local buses are more likely to be female, aged 16-34 or 55+, live on their own, and from London or the North of England and in social group DE.

6.28 People in the South East and East of England, those aged 35-54 and those in social classes ABC1 are more willing to pay higher taxes for improved public transport, while those in the Midlands, those over 65 years old and in social class C2DE are not.

6.29 Stokes and Taylor (1995) note, however, that although there are aspects of transport policy which show differentiation along party political lines, [sustainable transport policy] is somewhat more of a clean sheet than is the case in many policy debates.

6.30 Age appears to be a factor in both attitudes and behaviours. This might be to do with income levels (which tend to increase with age) or with perceptions of safety (which show evidence of growing concern with age). Parking costs are least likely to encourage older people to change their habits, with 28% of those over 55 years saying they would change their car usage if costs increased (CfIT, 2002, p 23). Disturbingly, Stokes and Taylor (1995b) conclude that walking may be suppressed more than using public transport as a result of the fear of crime. This would result in walking being suppressed at times by about one third of the population, with about one tenth likely to never walk.

THE INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION ON ATTITUDE

6.31 Consideration of the British Social Attitudes surveys of 1993 and 1994, conclude that degree-level education has emerged as an important factor in support for new policies (Stokes and Taylor, 1995). They go on to point out that those with a degree are much more likely than the less well educated to support new policy options. This suggests, they argue, that public education campaigns about transport problems may be of considerable value in gaining public acceptance of new policies.

6.32 According to a study commissioned by DEFRA (2002), whereas 28% of respondents with degrees were concerned at the government's handling of public transport issues, the figure for those with no qualifications was 13 %. A similar pattern of concern emerged for the economy (19%: 7%) and the environment (36%: 18%).

6.33 While the 2001 DEFRA survey showed that education is considered as one of the three most important factors to quality of life, when respondents were asked to consider the issues that affect their own quality of life, education was low on the list of contributory factors. However, without prompting, education was not frequently mentioned as one of the factors most affecting quality of life. When asked to name the two or three things that most affect their quality of life, only six per cent of respondents said education.

6.34 The association between level of education and attitudes towards transport issues is similar to that found for other environmentally related issues. Respondents educated to degree level in the DEFRA survey were the most likely of any educational group to regularly recycle paper, glass, cans, and plastic and to compost kitchen waste. Interestingly, of those respondents not attending university, there were only marginal differences in the percentages that recycled, regardless of whether the respondent was educated to A-level, O-level, any other level or had no qualifications at all (DEFRA, 2002, p. 71).

6.35 Reasons given for reducing car use varied with education. Without prompting, more graduates than other educational groups included helping the environment as a reason for cutting down use of a car. Of those who had cut down on car use, 28 per cent of those who were graduates said they did so to help the environment or reduce pollution, compared with 15 per cent of those educated to A-level. Thirty per cent of those with no qualifications said they did so to save money, compared with 21 per cent of those educated to degree level. (DEFRA, 2002, p.82).

6.36 Stokes and Taylor point out that of all the characteristics taken into account in the British Social Attitudes surveys, degree level education differentiates views on government spending more than any other.

6.37 In terms of attitudes towards pro-public transport policy options, Stokes and Taylor found a similar association, qualifications of A-level or above, particularly degree-level, and mostly non-car (or mixed) travel, dispose people to be more supportive (ibid.). The work concludes that exposure to a liberal enlightened intellectual environment through education on the one hand, and self-interest on the other are two rather contrasting sources at work in shaping individual attitudes to new transport policy options.

6.38 Stokes and Taylor conclude that it is time spent in the liberalising atmosphere of university which best explains the degree effect, rather than higher intelligence, or more education. The effects of campaigns to change attitudes and behaviours may be limited. Perhaps more significant to a change of values in the longer term will be, first, environmental education from an early age and throughout the school system, and second, the broadening of higher education to a larger section of the population. Education policy in the UK appears to be doing more about the second of these than the first.

6.39 There has been considerable work considering the "School Run" and the dependence upon car trips for home to school journeys. There are a large and complex set of barriers inhibiting parents from allowing children to use other forms of transport. These include trip chaining with journeys to work or shopping, safety fears of all kinds, load carrying, time constraints, and weather. There are often multiple reasons with complex links, and simple solutions are unlikely to be effective in shifting behaviour significantly (Bradshaw and Jones, 2000, Scottish Executive, 2002c). These issues relate equally to other, non-school journeys made with children. As well as considering the barriers, the attractions of car journeys are also important. The convenience, comfort and security of the car has enabled many families to enjoy a busy and varied lifestyle, which now includes geographically diverse activities. A shift away from car dependence would therefore undermine lifestyle features, and it is unsurprising that strong resistance is experienced. In addition, there is some evidence to suggest that escorting children by car can be seen as a sign of "good parenting", and a result of adult peer pressure.

PARENTAL ATTITUDES

6.40 It is well understood that parents are influenced by the activities, and attitudes of their children. Children, through school and other activities, are exposed to a wide range of issues and ideas, which then impact on parents through desires and behaviours. Pro-environmental attitudes are an important aspect of this information sharing, and this has been recognised as a significant source of information and awareness by parents (System 3, 2000). Media sources were cited as being the other chief source, especially when the focus is on specific, higher profile examples. Very few adults actively seek information outside these channels, demonstrating an inherent lack of interest.

6.41 There is growing evidence to suggest that children's travel behaviour follows closely that of their parents. High car use by parents, for all kinds of journeys, understandably means high car reliance by children, for school and non-school journeys. Research in South Yorkshire has indicated that travel habits developed at a young age can influence subsequent behaviour (Goodwin et al, cited in DfT, 1999). It has been suggested that those who have not been regular public transport users as young people are less likely to be passengers in their adult life (Atkins, 1996). It may well be that a young person's unpleasant experience while travelling by or waiting for public transport could have an impact on their choice of travel mode as an adult. Certainly it is evident from the findings of the British Crime Survey and local studies by Crime Concern that experience of crime can increase fear of crime. (Crime Concern, 1995).

6.42 Continuing this argument, there is also some evidence to suggest that adult travel behaviour is influenced significantly by childhood behaviour (Andreasson, referred to by Johansson, 2000). Transport 2000 dramatise this as the Teenage Travellers - A Transport Timebomb (T2000, 1996) when they recognised the numbers of young people aspiring to car ownership and use as soon as they become young adults. Other research has shown that young people's strong enthusiasm for future car ownership is universal and does not appear to be influenced by current car usage within their family (Crime Concern, 1995).

6.43 Children develop travel habits at an early age and it has been argued that there is a need to target children before they develop car dependence (Bradshaw and Jones, 2000, Johansson, 2000). Work has shown that associations between modes of transport and different segments of society are established as early as age seven (Meaton and Kingham, 1998). Whilst not suggesting that this translates directly as behaviour, it is important to understand how embedded attitudes to transport may be even when a child starts at secondary school.

6.44 There is work that indicates links between parental use of the car and their children's experiences of other modes. Evidence in England suggests that many children are growing up with little, if any, experience of other modes and are unlikely to use them as adults (Mackett et al, 2002). As Cahill et al note (1996),

"The status and appeal of the car for children must not be underestimated. From their earliest years, children play with toy cars. Children become extremely knowledgeable about makes and designs."

6.45 Only with increasing age and independence can young people break away from the travel patterns and choices of their parents. They are then strongly influenced by those of their peers, and these are also likely to revolve around use of the car. Perhaps one of the greatest challenges therefore is to address the question of how sustainable development objectives can be framed to generate interest and behaviour change in young people in their travel choices and influence on parents. This will need to be accompanied by action to make parents more understanding of or susceptible to the messages being delivered by children.

Table 1 shows a summary of different approaches to developing attitudes to sustainable transport, with a consideration of strengths and weaknesses and how they may lead to behavioural change.

Table 1 Approaches for developing attitudes to sustainable transport in children

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