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NATIONAL SURVEY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT CANDIDATES, 2003

4. CANDIDATES' PROFILE

This section of the report examines the demographic characteristics of candidates and, where appropriate, compares the profile of candidates with that of Scotland's councillors (using data from the 2003 Councillors' Survey). Comparisons with the wider population are also made using data from the 2001 National Census.

4.1. GENDER

A comparison of the gender profile of unsuccessful candidates, councillors, all candidates (i.e. candidates and councillors) and Scotland's population as a whole is given in table 4 below. As the table shows, although women make up over half of the population only 27.6% of the 4198 candidates standing in the local elections were female. In terms of actually being elected, the under-presentation of women is even more obvious with just 266 (21.8%) of Scotland's 1222 councillors being female (this represents a fall of 0.8% from 1999). Female representation at council level also compares unfavourably to the Scottish Parliament, where women make up 38% of the 129 MSPs.

So why this large discrepancy in the percentage of women standing and the percentage elected? One possible reason is historical and relates to the slow turnover of councillors. Almost three-quarters of councillors elected in 2003 were returning councillors (this is similar to the pattern in earlier elections). This means that any increase in the percentage of female councillors will be incremental (although of course the number of females councillors actually fell at the last election). Could it also be that female candidates tend to fight less winnable seats? Although there is some evidence to back this assertion the data does not yet exist to test this hypothesis (for example, the marginality of the seat is not always the best indicator of how winnable it is).

Table 4: Gender of candidates, councillors and population (%)

Table 5 provides details of the percentage of female candidates and councillors by their political affiliation. The Liberal Democrats had the greatest percentage of female candidate (37.4%), followed by the Conservatives (32.3%) and SSP (27.9%). Women made up around a quarter of Labour and SNP candidates, but just 16% of independents and less than 14% of 'others' (although the latter is based on a small number of cases).

The Liberal Democrats also have the highest proportion of female councillors (just under a third), while women constitute just 15.2% of all independent councillors. In electoral terms, female candidates in all parties, with the exception of the SNP and to some extent independents, perform relatively poorly in relation to their male counterparts. This is particularly true in the Conservative Party - while almost a third of Conservative candidates were female, only 22.8% of the party's councillors are women.

Table 5: Female candidates and councillors by political affiliation (%)

Note: SSP and 'others' excluded due to small numbers.

Women made up over 40% of candidates in only two councils: Perth and Kinross (44.2%) and Midlothian (41.5%) and less than 20% in a further four: Eilean Siar (5.2%), West Dunbartonshire (15.7%), Orkney (18.8%) and Argyll and Bute (19.2%). Although three of the four councils with the lowest proportions of female candidates are rural or island councils with large numbers of independent candidates, there doesn't appear to be any clear gender patterns across different types of council (e.g. in terms of political composition, rurality, size, etc.). Figures supplied by CoSLA show that Aberdeen and East Dunbartonshire are the only councils where the ratio of female to male councillors is greater than one in three (this compares to three councils in 1999).

4.2. AGE

Table 6 details the age profile of candidates, councillors and the population as a whole. Candidates are disproportionately drawn from the 45 to 64 age bracket; 52.5% of candidates belonged to this age group compared to only around a third of the adult population. The young are particularly under-represented with only 13% of candidates aged 21 to 35, as opposed to a quarter of the population. Standing for election is also less common among older members of society, with just 16.4% of candidates aged 65 or over (compared to over a fifth of Scotland's population). The youngest candidate to respond to the survey was 21 (the minimum legal age), while the oldest was 86. No fewer than 68 candidates were aged 75 or over.

If the age profile of candidates is unrepresentative of the wider population then the profile of councillors is still worse. Less than 5% of councillors are under 35 (and just 1% under 30), while over two-thirds are aged 45 to 64. The over 65s are also significantly under-represented on Scotland's councils.

Table 6: Age profile (%)

Comparing age by gender shows that the profiles of male and female respondents are similar. Although female candidates are, on average, slightly older than their male counterparts the differences are small and not statistically significant. The age differences between male and female councillors are significant, however. Almost 20% of male councillors are 65 or over, compared to just 7% of female councillors. The average age of male councillors, at just over 55, is three years older than for their female counterparts.

The survey showed that SSP candidates were the youngest of all, with a mean age of 41 (table 7). Independents tended to be the oldest (mean of 56), while there was little difference in the average ages of candidates from the other major parties. The mean age of all candidates was 51. At 55, the average age of councillors is slightly higher than that of candidates. Independent councillors are again the oldest, while there is little difference in the average ages of councillors representing the other major parties (the figure for the SSP is based on just one return). By way of comparison, the mean age of the population (aged 21 and over) is 49.

Table 7: Mean age of candidates and councillors (years)

Finally, are there any gender differences in the mean ages of candidates and councillors from different political parties? Among candidates the only significant difference occurs within the Conservative Party, where females candidates are, on average, four years younger then their male counterparts. There are greater variations among councillors however, with female independent councillors being around three and a half years younger than their male colleagues and female Liberal Democrat councillors being around five years younger.

4.3. EDUCATION QUALIFICATION

Candidates are significantly more likely to hold a degree or professional qualification that the population as a whole (54.7% to 20.9%). Just 7.1% of respondents had no formal educational qualifications, as compared to over a third of the general population. There is little difference in the level of educational attainment of candidates and councillors (although candidates are slightly more likely to hold a degree or professional qualification).

Table 8: Highest education qualification (%)

Note: Figures for population relate to those aged 20 to 74.

The survey showed that female candidates are slightly more likely to hold a degree than their male counterparts, but generally levels of educational attainment are similar for both sexes. Interestingly however, female councillors have significantly higher levels of education attainment than their male colleagues. Whereas a third of male councillors hold a degree, the equivalent figure for females is almost 45% (indeed less than 5% of female councillors have no formal qualifications). These figures are consistent with the findings of the 1999 Councillors' Survey.

There are wide disparities in the educational qualifications of candidates from different political parties, as table 9 shows. Liberal Democrat candidates have the highest educational attainment of all, with over 50% holding a degree and a further 15% having professional qualifications. Around four in ten Labour and SNP candidates hold a degree, while Labour candidates are also the most likely to have left school with no formal qualifications. Around a fifth of independent and Conservative candidates hold professional or vocational qualifications.

Table 9: Highest education qualification by political affiliation (%)

4.4. ETHNIC ORIGIN

A total of 39 candidates (2% of all candidates responding to the survey) came from non-white ethnic origins. Of these 39, three stood as independents, five for the Conservatives, twelve for Labour, seven for the Liberal Democrats, nine as Scottish Nationalists and three for the SSP. The highest proportion of non-white candidates was Pakistani (eleven in total). As table 10 shows, the ethnic profile of candidates almost exactly matches that of Scotland's population. CoSLA's figures suggest that ethnic minorities are under-represented on Scotland's councils, with only 14 councillors (1.1%) belonging to an ethnic minority.

Table 10: Ethnic origin (%)

Although in terms of ethnicity candidates are representative of the wider population, a closer inspection of the data shows that 12 of the 39 ethnic minority candidates stood in one council: Glasgow. Only Perth and Kinross had more than two candidates from a non-white ethnic origin, while more than half of councils had no ethnic minority candidates (although note that these findings relate to respondents only).

4.5. MARITAL STATUS

Given the age profile of candidates, councillors and the general population (as noted in table 6 above), it's not surprising that councillors are significantly more like to be married than either candidates or the population as a whole. While 53% of the population over 20 years old are married, the corresponding figures for candidates is 63% and for councillors 79%. Only one in ten councillors is single, compared to around a quarter of candidates and the wider population.

Table 11: Marital status (%)

Figures for population relate to those aged 20 and over.

Marital status by political affiliation follows similar age patterns; SSP candidates, having the youngest profile, are the least likely to be married.

4.6. HOUSING TENURE

Local government candidates are significantly more likely to own (or be in the process of buying) their home than the general population. Over 80% of candidates who responded to the survey own their home, as compared to 63% of the population. While over a fifth of the Scottish population live in local authority rented accommodation only 6% of candidates do so (candidates are also less likely to rent from a Housing Association). Home ownership is also very much the norm among councillors; nine out of ten councillors either own or are buying their own property, while only very small numbers reside in the rented sector.

Table 12: Housing tenure (%)

Note: Figures for population relate to households.

There is some variation in housing tenure by political affiliation, with the Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat candidates more likely to own their own home than candidates from the other parties. SSP candidates, in particular, are significantly more likely to live in rented accommodation - in either the public or private sector - or to be staying with relatives (this is probably related to the younger age profile of SSP candidates).

Table 13: Housing tenure by political affiliation (%)

4.7. LONG-TERM ILLNESS, HEALTH PROBLEM OR DISABILITY

Just over 15% of candidates standing for election, and who responded to the survey, reported that they had long-term illness, health problem or disability which affected their daily activities or the work they could do. This is lower than the quarter of the population with an illness or disability, but considerably higher than the 8.7% of councillors who reported ill health or a disability. Male candidates are slightly more likely to suffer from illness or disability than females (16.2% and 13.9% respectively). Unsurprisingly, the best indicator in predicting illness is age: over a fifth of candidates aged 65 or over reported that they suffer from ill health (although interestingly even among 21 to 34 year olds the figure is over 10%). However, this figure is significantly lower than the 53% of the population of the same age with a limiting long-term illness or disability. It would appear therefore, that candidates in this oldest age group are appreciably more likely to be in good health than their cohort group. Given the commitments involved in holding elected office it is perhaps not surprising that ill health among councillors is relatively rare, no matter the age category (for example, only around one in ten councillors aged over 65 noted a limiting long-term illness, health problem or disability).

Table 14: Long-term illness/health problems/disability (%)

Note: Figures for population relate to persons in households aged 20 and over.

Comparisons by political affiliation show some variations across parties (table 15). Independent candidates are the most likely to suffer from illness or disability (21.4%), while the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats are the least (11.4% and 12.6% respectively). The higher prevalence of ill health among independents is probably related to the older age profile of those candidates.

Table 15: With a long-term illness/health problems/disability by political affiliation (%)

4.8. CARE RESPONSIBILITIES

One might suppose that having care responsibilities - be it for young children or elderly relatives - would influence the probability of an individual standing for election. Given the commitments involved in being a councillor, individuals with very young children may be dissuaded from seeking election. Table 15 would seem to confirm this as just 5.6% of candidates have children aged under five, while less than 5% have caring responsibilities for the elderly (indeed just 130 candidates have more than one of the care responsibilities listed below). Councillors are even less likely to have care responsibilities than candidates, although this is perhaps not surprising given their older age profile (only 17% of councillors are aged under 45 compared to over 30% of candidates).

Although direct population comparisons are difficult as the Census asks about dependent children in the household rather than care responsibilities, a number of general observations are possible. The Census showed that 10.8% of the adult population (those aged 16 and above) have dependent children aged under five (almost twice the proportion of candidates), while a further 6.8% have care responsibilities for a child aged between five and nine. Census figures also suggest that 60.6% of adults under pensionable age have no dependent children ⁴. Taken together, this would seem to show that candidates, and even more so councillors, are less likely to have caring responsibilities than the general population.

Table 16: Care responsibilities (%)

Note: Figures do not add up to 100% due to multiple responses.

There is little difference in the percentage of male and female candidates with care responsibilities - 33.4% and 35.9% respectively. The main determinant of the likelihood of caring responsibility is, of course, age. While over a fifth of candidates aged 25 to 34 have caring responsibilities for children under the age of five, the equivalent figure for those respondents aged over 55 is less than 1%. A similar pattern emerges from the councillor data. However, what is impossible to establish is whether having young children - and the time commitments this involves - actively dissuades potential candidates from coming forward for election or whether there are other more important influences at play (for example, younger people may be less able to take time off from paid employment to attend council functions).

As table 17 shows, there is some variation in care responsibilities by political affiliation. SSP candidates are considerably more likely to have children (particularly young children), this again reflects their younger age profile. Over a fifth of Labour candidates have children aged between 11 and 16, while the Conservatives are the least like to have any caring responsibilities.

Table 17: Care responsibilities by political affiliation (%)

Note: Figures do not add up to 100% due to multiple responses.

4.9. CAR OWNERSHIP

Eight out of ten candidates own a car, which suggests that candidates are more reliant on cars than the general population (around two-thirds of which have access to a car). There is little difference in car ownership by gender, but there is considerable variation across age groups (for example, only around a quarter of candidates aged under 25 own a car). Car ownership among councillors is very much the norm with close to 90% having their own means of transport.

Table 18: Car ownership (%)

Note: Population figures relate to households.

As table 19 shows, SSP candidates are the least likely to own a car, while independents are marginally the most likely. Two explanations are possible: the first relates to the age profile of candidates. As noted above, SSP candidates tend to be the youngest of all candidates and it is among the youngest age groups that car ownership is less prevalent. The second explanation relates to geography. In rural or island areas with limited public transport links, candidates are much more reliant on cars than their counterparts in urban councils. For example, over 90% of candidates own a car in all three Island authorities, as well as in Aberdeenshire, Dumfries and Galloway and the Scottish Borders. On the other hand, less than 70% of candidates own a car in Glasgow and Edinburgh where public transport links are generally more reliable. With SSP candidates tending to stand in urban wards and independents largely concentrated in rural authorities, the patterns seen in the table below can be explained.

Table 19: Car ownership by political affiliation (%)

4.10.1 EMPLOYMENT STATUS

Almost two-thirds of candidates are in employment - whether full-time, part-time or self-employed (table 20 below). Given the age profile, it is not surprising that almost a quarter of candidates are retired. The remaining candidates are either unemployed, permanently sick or disabled, in education, looking after the home or not working for another reason. Breaking down employment status by gender shows that 68% of male candidates are in employment, compared to 55% of women. Female candidates are also more likely to be retired than their male counterparts (28% to 21%). Women constitute the majority (around three-quarters) of those candidates looking after the home or family, but there was little difference by gender across other employment status types.

The employment status of councillors is broadly similar to that of unsuccessful candidates. Almost half of councillors are in full-time employment (this includes almost 26% who state their occupation as a full-time councillor), while a further 20% are self-employed or in part-time occupations. A slightly lower percentage of councillors than candidates are retired. This may appear counter-intuitive given the older age profile of councillors, however it is explained by the fact that over a quarter of councillors of pensionable age state their occupation as a full-time councillor (rather than as being retired).

Although there are some difficulties in producing comparable population figures, a number of general observations are possible. While roughly equal proportions of candidates and the public are in full-time employment, candidates and councillors are significantly more likely to be self-employed. Even when we limit our sample to those respondents aged under 75 (to make it comparable with Census figures), considerably higher numbers of candidates are retired (21% to 15%). A further 18% of the population aged 20 to 74 are classed as economically inactive, but the Census does not give additional details for this particular age cohort (data for 16-74 year olds show that 7.4% are permanently sick, 3.9% are looking after the home and 3.9% are inactive for another reason). What is clear, however, is that considerably higher number of the population are economically inactive than either candidates or councillors.

Table 20: Employment status (%)

Note: The figures for population relate to those aged 20-74. * Includes 26.0% who state their occupation as full-time councillor.

The table below shows that Labour and the SSP have the greatest proportion of candidates employed in full-time occupations, while independent candidates are particularly prevalent in self-employed occupations (such as farming). The Conservatives, independents and Liberal Democrats have the highest proportion of candidates who are permanently retired from work. Other interesting patterns include the relatively high proportion of SSP candidates in full-time education and the higher levels of unemployment among independent and SSP respondents.

Table 21: Employment status by political affiliation (%)

4.10.2 EMPLOYMENT CATEGORY

Of those candidates in employment, the majority are in managerial or professional occupations (table 22). Over a quarter hold managerial or executive positions, while a further 44% are employed in other professional, technical or educational professions. Only 13% of local government candidates are in manual or craft occupations, a similar percentage to those in administrative, clerical or secretarial posts. Although a slightly higher percentage of councillors are employed in managerial or executive positions, the figures are generally similar for both groups.

Table 22: Employment category (%)

Note: Figures for councillors excludes full-time councillors.

Men are about 10% more likely to hold managerial or executive positions than women (indeed, almost three-quarters of men in employment hold managerial or professional occupations). Almost a quarter of the female respondents are employed in administrative, clerical or secretarial posts, while 15% of males hold manual or craft jobs.

There are considerable variations in employment category by political affiliation (table 23). Conservative candidates are by far the most likely to hold managerial or executive positions (46.3%), followed by independents (only 5.6% of SSP candidates are in this category). However, the majority of candidates from all parties are in managerial or professional occupations (including education and research). Around a quarter of SSP candidates are in manual or craft occupations, while roughly 10-15% of each party's candidates hold administrative, clerical or secretarial positions.

Table 23: Employment category by political affiliation (%)

4.10.3 EMPLOYMENT SECTOR

Well over half of candidates are employed in the private sector, while over one in ten are employed in the education sector. There are also a significant number of candidates working in local or central government (5.6% and 5.2% respectively) and for voluntary organisations (7.4%). The majority of councillors work in the public sector; over 11% are employed in local government, a further 8% in central government and a relatively large proportion (9%) in the voluntary sector (these figures exclude full-time councillors).

Table 24: Employment sector (%)

Breaking down the above figures by gender shows that female candidates are significantly more likely to work in the public services than their male counterparts - 57% of women are employed in the public sector compared to just 40% of men. This difference is mainly due to higher levels of female employment in education, the NHS and the voluntary sector (although there are higher proportions of male candidates working in local government).

There are also wide disparities in employment sector across the political parties (table 25). Only 28% of SSP candidates are employed in the public sector, compared to over 70% of independents and Conservative candidates. The SSP and Liberal Democrats have high percentages employed in the education sector, while a large number of SSP candidates (nearly 15%) work in the voluntary sector.

Table 25: Employment category by political affiliation (%)

4.11 HOURS WORKED

Male candidates work, on average, 40.9 hours a week, which is slightly lower than the male population as whole (who work 42.3 hours in an average week). On the other hand, female candidates tend to work longer hours than other working women (33.1 hours as compared to 31.1). Comparing these figures with the average hours worked by councillors is problematic. Some councillors combine their council duty with paid employment, while new councillors (i.e. those elected for the first time in 2003) can only guess what impact their election will have on the hours they work ^5.

These mean figures hide a great deal of variation, however. As table 26 shows, just under a quarter of male candidates (and the male working population more generally) work long hours - 49 hours or above - while the corresponding figure for female candidates is around 7%. Female candidates are also much more likely to work part-time hours than their male counterparts; over a third work 30 hours or less a week compared to just 14% of males candidates (the equivalent population figures are 40% and 9% respectively).

Table 26: Hours worked in an 'average' week

Note: Population figures relate to those in employment aged 20 to 74.

Perhaps surprisingly, there is no strong correlation between care responsibilities (either for young children or elderly relatives) and hours worked. One might suppose that the third of female candidates who work shorter hours do so because they have young children, however the survey provides no evidence for such a conclusion. Moreover, there is a relatively weak link between hours worked and age. Although only a few female candidates under the age of 35 work very short hours (less than 16 per week), part-time workers tend to be spread fairly evenly across other age categories.

There is some variation in the number of hours worked by political affiliation and gender, however. As table 27 shows, Conservative male candidates work the longest hours (45.5 hours per week), followed by independents and SNP candidates. There is less disparity among female candidates, although Labour candidates work slightly longer hours. Indeed, there is little difference in the hours worked between male and female Labour candidates (a similar pattern emerges for SSP candidates). The largest difference in working time between the sexes occurs within the Conservative Party, where male candidates work, on average, over 13 hours a week longer.

Table 27: Mean hours worked by political affiliation and gender

Note: Figures refer to those in employment and aged under 75.

4.12 INCOME

Over half of candidates and councillors have a gross annual income of under 20,000, while for around a quarter this figure is under 10,000. Candidates are slightly more likely to earn large salaries (in excess of 40,000) than councillors - 8.6% as compared to 5.9% (although note that the figures for councillors excludes councillors' basic and Special Responsibility Allowance).

Table 28: Annual gross income (%)

Note: Gross income = income from all sources before tax/NI deductions.

However, these figures alone tell us little. Income is likely to be dependent on a number of factors, perhaps most notably gender and age. Table 29 below shows that there are significant differences in the income of male and female candidates. Whereas 23% of male candidates earn over 30,000 per annum the equivalent figure for females is less than 10%. However, the most notable differences occur at the lower income brackets - over a third of female candidates earn less than 10,000 (around twice the proportion of male candidates). The same broad patterns emerge from the councillor data - female councillors are significantly more likely to earn less than 10,000, while very few have an income of over 40,000. Comparing candidates with councillors shows that both male and female candidates are more likely to earn higher salaries than their elected counterparts (although again note that the figures for councillors exclude allowances).

Table 29: Annual gross income by gender (%)

Although it is difficult to find comparable income data for the population as a whole a number of general observations can be made. The Scottish Household Survey suggests that 31% of Scottish households have a net income of less than 10,000. Given that less than a quarter of candidates have an individual income of under 10,000 we may conclude that candidates are generally less likely to earn low incomes than the population as a whole. Similarly, while over 43% of candidates have an income in excess of 20,000 only a third of households earn an equivalent amount (and of course many families have more than one income provider). The data on social grade (see table 31 below) would seem to confirm our general conclusions that candidates tend to come from higher status backgrounds.

In terms of differences in income by gender, figures from the Department of Trade and Industry's Women and Equality Unit confirm the general patterns outlined in the table 29 above. While women have an individual mean gross income of just over 7,500 per annum, the equivalent figure for men is almost 15,000 (although clearly there is a large standard deviation). Analysis of income distribution by quintiles confirms this pattern: women are over-represented in the bottom two income quintiles, while men are disproportionately concentrated in the top two quintiles.

As noted above, there is also likely to be a strong correlation between age and income levels. The survey does indeed show such a relationship. Only 4% of candidates aged under 35 are in the highest income bracket, as compared to 10% of 'middle-aged' candidates (35 to 64 year olds). Predictably, respondents aged over 65 are even less likely to be earning over 40,000 per annum than younger candidates. Similarly, at the other end of the income scale younger candidates are by far the most likely to earn less than 10,000. Similar patterns emerge from the councillor survey.

There are large differences in income across the political parties. Over a third of independent candidates have a gross income of less than 10,000 per annum, while the equivalent figure for the Conservatives and Labour is under one in five. Conservative and Liberal Democrat candidates are the most likely to earn over 40,000 a year, while less than 1% of SSP candidates earn this amount (as may be expected given the age profile).

Table 30: Annual gross income by political affiliation (%)

Finally, comparing income by political affiliation and gender reveals some interesting patterns. Around 60% of female independent candidates earn less than 10,000 per annum, compared to roughly a third of candidates from the other major parties. Male Conservative candidates are the most likely to earn over 40,000 per year, followed by the Liberal Democrats. Only small proportions of female candidates in all the parties are in this highest income bracket.

4.13. SOCIAL GRADE

Social grade is a socio-economic classification frequently used by the market research and marketing industries, most often in the analysis of spending habits (see Appendix 2 for a definition of the grading schema). Table 31 compares the social grades of candidates with those of the wider population (there are no comparable figures available for councillors). Clearly candidates are much more likely to belong to the higher A and B grades than the general population - 35% of respondents are categorised in these social grades compared to only 19% of Scotland's population. Even more noticeably, only four candidates (0.2%) who responded to the survey are grouped in social grade E, compared to almost a quarter of the population.

Table 31: Social grade (%)

Note: Population figures refer to social class of household reference person.

There are some interesting differences in the social grades of male and female candidates. Although men are proportionally more likely to belong to social grades A and B, over 80% of women are in social grades C1 or higher (compared to under three-quarters of men). Male candidates are almost twice as likely to belong to social grade D as their female counterparts.

Turning to social grade by political affiliation, the Liberal Democrats and Conservatives have the highest proportion of candidates in social grades A and B (41.4% and 38.9% respectively), while the Scottish Socialists have the lowest (22.5%). However, the majority of candidates from all parties are in social grade C1 or higher.

Table 32: Social grade by political affiliation (%)

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