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ASYLUM SEEKERS IN SCOTLAND

CHAPTER FOUR: ASYLUM SEEKERS

4.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, we explore the views and experiences of the 63 asylum seekers interviewed for the study. These are considered against the background of the services that were available to them. Following a description of the characteristics of those interviewed, we examine people's current situation, their expectations and experiences of living in Glasgow, their experiences of and views about service they had received, local community relations from their points of view and any processes of integration they were experiencing.

4.2 GENDER, AGE, NATIONALITY, RELIGION, LANGUAGES SPOKEN, LENGTH OF RESIDENCE

The sample included 34 men and 29 women. Only one person was over 50 years of age, and the others were equally divided between the 18-30 and 31-50 age groups. They came from a wide range of countries, predominantly Middle Eastern, African and Asian, with a small group from Eastern Europe. Forty three in total were members of nationality groups which included at least 300 people in Glasgow, and the rest from smaller groups. Two thirds were Muslim, with smaller groups of Christians, Sikhs and people who said they did not have a religion. A wide range of languages was spoken, with the most common being English (38 people), Farsi (15) forms of Kurdish (14) and Dari (one of the languages of Afghanistan, spoken by ten respondents). Eleven respondents had been in Glasgow for two years or more, with the majority (39 people) having been there for one year or less.

4.3 CURRENT SITUATION

Fifteen people said that all their family was living in Glasgow. Everyone else listed close ³ family members from whom they were separated. In some cases, relatives were living in other parts of the UK, but for many, family members were still living in the countries of origin or, for some, their whereabouts were unknown. A picture emerged of separated families and loss of significant social interactions, as well an anxiety for family members and histories of tragedy.

My mother and father live in Afghanistan. I don't know where my brothers are. My husband's family are in Pakistan…..I have no contact with my parents or my brothers. My husband has heard some news from Pakistan, but not recently. (1201)

I am all that is left of my family. They were killed in Afghanistan. (1225)

All my family [are elsewhere]. Some of them are in Iraq and some of them are in England. (1233)

My husband and my other daughter [are not in Glasgow]. (3203)

My husband and my eldest daughter are in Afghanistan. Five of my children are in London. (3213)

Although many of the separations were due to the circumstances in which people had sought asylum, some had clearly occurred during dispersal, when families had been separated.

Many respondents had no contact with separated family members. This was sometimes due to distance, or to circumstances (such as imprisonment) which made contact impossible. In several cases, maintaining contact was described as too expensive:

My sister lives in London. I speak to her sometimes, maybe once a month because it is so expensive. (1203)

I cannot afford to keep regular contact with them. (1205)

Means of contact were telephone, letter-writing and in one case, e-mail.

4.4 OCCUPATIONS

Respondents had a range of qualifications, with 12 in professions such as teaching, nursing or medicine. Several (8) described themselves as students, and many women (18) as full time mothers and housekeepers. At least some of those who described themselves as students were referring to their current activity in Glasgow, studying English.

4.5 ASYLUM STATUS

Most people were either awaiting decisions on their requests for refugee status (42), or awaiting an appeal (11) - one of these people had been waiting sixteen months. Six respondents had been granted exceptional leave to remain ⁴. Three people had obtained refugee status recently.

4.6 LIVING IN GLASGOW

Initial Expectations

For nearly everyone, their expectations of Glasgow had been either positive or neutral. Many respondents said that prior to coming to the city, they had had no knowledge of it.

I had never heard of Glasgow - I thought it was part of England. (1214)

Of those who had explicit expectations (17 people), safety and the people of the city were mentioned frequently:

I had no expectations of Glasgow prior to coming here, but I expected to be safe. (1202)

Shelter for myself and my family, security and safety. Work prospects. (1209)

Freedom, peace of mind and safety for my family and me. (3201)

I had heard that Scottish people are not racist and they welcome asylum seekers. (1213)

I was really excited about going to Glasgow. I heard the education was excellent. (1228)

It is a free country, which offers people freedom of speech, and everyone has rights. (3217)

Two people reporting negative expectations referred to the death of Firsat Dag in August 2001: ⁵

I was very afraid about coming to Glasgow because I heard that an asylum seeker was killed here. (1201)

We were sent by the Home Office, despite our fears about coming to live in Glasgow because some time ago in Glasgow an asylum seeker was killed. (3207)

Initial Experiences

Following arrival in Glasgow, many of the positive expectations were fulfilled, with safety and security being the strongest themes (mentioned 19 times).

The services are better here than in England. The people are very friendly. (1205)

I had a secure roof over my head. The people were friendly and the services were good. (1217)

The best thing is safety and relief from persecution. I like the city and the people are nice. (1231)

It was generally very good. We felt safe, had a comfortable home, a doctor and a good education for my son. (3216)

Friendly Scottish people. (2201)

For others however, arrival had been less easy. Sixteen people had negative comments, such as

It was very alien to us. People looked at us all the time because we are very black and different. (1219)

I was shocked because there were no good things. (1223)

Unfortunately, there were no good things. I was shocked by seeing the high rise buildings and a dirty city. (3212)

Many people described themselves as being worried about the future, and spoke of the anxieties of being separated from their friends and family, and from familiar surroundings.

I was very lonely. I missed my family. My sister was pregnant and about to give birth, and I couldn't be with her. I was isolated from my family and friends. (1213)

We were strangers to the ways and customs here. This made us very conspicuous. (1215)

We were very isolated from everyone. We were alone with no friends. (1219)

Everything was bad. I was put in here and I didn't know anyone. I was very lonely and afraid. (1226)

There were many references to the social problems found in Glasgow, including poverty and drugs.

The biggest problems were alcohol and drugs issues. There is also a lot of unemployment here. (1217)

Racism was explicitly identified as a problem by 18 respondents, several of whom described particular incidents they had experienced directly:

We experienced racial harassment, and my children were assaulted quite badly, and this continued for some time. (3213)

Later Experiences

Respondents were asked about the good and bad things about living in Glasgow at the time of interview, as compared with their initial expectations and experiences. Safety continued to be a central theme, and respondents also referred to friendly people and sociability factors.

Safety is the best thing. I feel better about my child's future. (1208)

We are safe now, and we have made some friends. (1219)

Things are better now we have met other Somali people. (1218)

I am more settled now, and I know my way about the place better. (1226)

Things are much better now. We have made friends and we are quite settled here. (1229)

At this stage of the interviews, 12 respondents commented on the services they were receiving, particularly education and health:

The education and health services are the best in the world. (1224)

The education system is excellent. Healthcare provision and other services are very good. (1227)

Good education for my children. The people are kind, and we feel safe here. (3210)

Thus on the positive side, respondents welcomed the security they experienced, in contrast with the circumstances they had left behind. As time went on, developing social relationships with local Glasgow people, and with other asylum seekers were increasingly important. The education and health services received much positive comment.

A significant proportion of respondents however were less content. Thirteen explained in detail that they continued to experience isolation and uncertainty

I am alien to this culture. I am isolated from my friends and family. (1203)

[I feel] isolation, alienation, and I cannot pursue my studies. (1204)

I am still uncertain about our future. I feel isolated from my family. I am very lonely living here without my sister. (1208)

I am isolated from all the people that I love. I don't have news about my family in Iraq. (1226)

I still do not know what the future will hold for me. I feel I am being sheltered by a paper door here. (1213)

About one third continued to experience harassment and racism

I can't go out at night because of drunk youths who taunt me with racist comments. (1213)

The racism is worse now. The house I live in is cold. This is a dangerous place for women and children to live. (1216)

There is a hatred against asylum seekers. There is also racism between ethnic groups. My biggest problem is social isolation and isolation from family and friends. (1217)

[We face] physical abuse of our children, racial harassment and vandalism. (3220)

There were continuing references to the problems of the city, compounding those of individuals.

Drugs, drink, vandalism, isolation and loneliness. (1202)

Racial harassment, drugs, drink, burglary. (3215)

These negative comments were partly to do with people's own situation as asylum seekers, separated from family, friends and familiar culture and surroundings, and served to emphasise the levels of distress which many people continued to experience. Other problems, such as the inability to pursue studies or to work (mentioned by 2 people) were related to the formal status of asylum seekers under the 1999 Act. Other problems identified related to the local community, notably the presence of significant racism and a range of social problems linked with deprivation.

4.7 USING SERVICES

4.7.1 What services had been used

Asylum seekers were asked detailed questions about the services they had used in Glasgow, including their experiences of and views about service use. We also aimed to explore people's understanding of the services they had received. It was clear that people did not necessarily understand who was providing the services, nor who was obliged to deal with which issues. Some of the initial feelings of asylum seekers using services were outlined by this respondent:

We saw the asylum support team and the refugee council I think. I don't remember too well. We saw so many strange faces. Everything was strange to us. (1227)

Nearly all those interviewed stated that they had received services either from Glasgow City Council Asylum Support Team, or from the Scottish Refugee Council. Both these bodies were widely recognised as providing services themselves, and as routes to gain access to other services. Eight respondents specifically and spontaneously mentioned that they had received a welcome pack on arrival - whilst this may appear a small number, it is worth noting that many respondents had been in Glasgow for several months at the time of interview, and would not necessarily recall details of their initial service. Other services specifically mentioned at this stage included doctors (mentioned 12 times), legal services (16 times, with social work services, childcare, immigration, 'council' services, education and hospital mentioned only once or twice each. The initial highlighting of these particular services at this stage in the interview perhaps reflects their crucial importance for asylum seekers on first arrival. It is also worth noting that some respondents did not fully understand the concept of a service as an entitlement, but saw it as something to be purchased, reflecting custom in their home countries. Later in the interview, as we will note, it emerged that more people had used the services than mentioned them spontaneously at this stage, perhaps reflecting some of the uncertainty and lack of clarity which many people had about where services came from and who was providing them.

Four people said that they had received no services at all. It emerged that these respondents had arrived in Glasgow through the 'spontaneous dispersal' process (Oxford Brookes University 2003), i.e. they had not been dispersed by NASS, but had arrived in Glasgow independently. In contrast with those who were dispersed via NASS, these people had experienced great difficulty in gaining access to services, and had eventually received help via voluntary sector groups, which had served to refer them to mainstream services. There may be a key role for voluntary sector service providers here in humanitarian work with people who have slipped through the net of services in one way or another.

4.7.2 Advice services

On arrival in Glasgow, the first services encountered by most asylum seekers were advice services, which were set up to facilitate access to others (arrangements are outlined in Chapter Two). This initial advice and referral had come from the Asylum Support Team or the Scottish Refugee Council. Nearly everyone had been referred to an advice service during the dispersal process, though five had arrived there through other routes, such as via friends. One person thought that the services had contacted them - in the light of the comments of service providers, this pro-activity would appear unusual.

Responses to the services were mixed, with about half the respondents describing themselves as satisfied with the services, and the other half, relating dissatisfaction. Satisfaction referred to understanding, sympathy and helpfulness, as well as referrals for further help. One respondent who had used both services described the importance of this initial contact:

We had very good service there. The person that we spoke to was very sympathetic and understanding of our problems. (1209)

They told us what we had to do about getting a lawyer and doctor. This was very useful because we had no ideas what to expect, and it was good to see a reassuring face. (1227)

Dissatisfaction arose from a range of factors. For a few respondents, services had clearly fallen short in terms of quality:

This made us more confused. I was passed about like a rubber ball. This service left me frustrated, confused and angry. (1201)

I saw a young mother with children there - she was very upset. I don't know why. I wanted to comfort her, but the young girl on the desk did nothing to comfort her. This was very upsetting for me. (1202)

This was very traumatic for me. I felt that they were taking over my life. They took away all my independence and told me how my future should be. They never gave me the impression that I had any choice in my future plans. (1203)

I mentioned my problem with harassment to someone…..and they were not helpful at all. They told us not to complain as we were kicked out of our own country and we should just accept the racism. (3218)

More frequently, respondents reported shortfalls in service which they explicitly related to resources. Long queues, long waits for appointments and lack of interpreters were described by most of those who had had problems with the services:

There is not much to say. They were very busy. I was kept waiting for three hours, and then I was sent away and given another appointment because they were short-staffed. (1204)

I was given help when I arrived here at first. But I had to wait for a long time for appointments. (1217)

The interpreters never arrived. We felt very confused. My wife was so upset, she cried for six months. We had to take her to a special doctor who knew about depression. He said that she needs special treatment. (1219)

We could not speak to them, as there was no interpreter present. (3207)

Many asylum seekers are disappointed by this service provider, as it is supposed to help us, but there have been many occasions when I have been told to wait for hours on end. I have also been turned away when they have been closed before my turn, and my wife has had to act as an interpreter for many clients who have attended. (3206)

These difficulties reflect some of the comments of the service providers, who described the pressure on the services in the early stages of the implementation of the 1999 Act. Many of the difficulties experienced by this group of respondents may have been a result of these early pressures.

Respondents who perceived the pressure that service providers experienced were generally very sympathetic towards them.

The service was appropriate, but it left me feeling very frustrated and annoyed. It was easier for me because I was on my own, but there were other people there with children, and their situation was much worse. Also, I speak good English, and I still found it very frustrating. This must have been much exaggerated for non-English speakers. The service was obviously under-staffed and over-worked. (1204)

However, there remain questions about the ability of highly stressed providers to provide high quality, effective services. In the light of the personal situations in which many asylum seekers found themselves (see section 4.3), stretched services which rely on the sympathy of clients are a cause for concern. It was clear that many respondents continued to need support for several months, and that they were returning to the initial providers. In some cases, they were seeking support which the advice services did not have the power to provide, having failed to understand the nature of the services. For example, this respondent felt that the advice service should have helped them with police matters:

It is appalling - they don't do anything for you. If your house is burgled, or you are harassed, they are asylum seekers' only help, and they don't do anything. (3218)

Such difficulties can only increase pressure on these services, and may indeed have arisen from the initial difficult period in which large numbers of clients were being seen rapidly, perhaps not receiving a full explanation of where to go for other services:

When I first came here I got good service, but I have contacted them since and received poor service. (1217)

One respondent made a strong suggestion about how services could be improved:

The people were very helpful, but they explained that they are over-worked and under-staffed to fully meet the needs of people in our position. I think it is outrageous that a service like this is under such pressure. There should be more money available to relieve some of the pressure from services that are under strain. I know that there are a lot of asylum seekers or refugees who would be willing to offer some of their free time to such a project. This would give the asylum seeker or refugee the opportunity to repay some of the debt they feel they owe to such a service. Therefore, it would be a two-way process between the services and the people who need assistance. (1209)

This comment is of particular significance for the reminders it offers that asylum seekers are not merely the passive recipients of services, or people who make demands on service providers. There is scope for greater appreciation of the potential resource within asylum seeker communities for significant community development and support - further comment on this issue appears in the section on community relations (4.9, below).

4.7.3 Housing services

Upon dispersal, allocation to a house is one of the first services received by asylum seekers. The majority of respondents (number) represented nuclear families. There were also four extended families ⁶, six people living alone, six single parents, one childless couple, and the remainder were sharing accommodation with other asylum seekers, not necessarily of the same origin. For many households, members were missing. Either they were living in other parts of the UK or in other parts of the world, including countries of origin, or their whereabouts and safety were unknown. Nearly everyone was living in housing allocated under the dispersal process, either local authority accommodation or in the YMCA premises, and access to this accommodation had been straightforward. Seven households were living in privately rented accommodation, which they had acquired through personal contact with friends or family members. The search for privately rented houses had not necessarily been easy, and several people referred to the high price of such housing. One household had recently moved from a privately rented house into NASS accommodation. Respondents were located in various areas of the city. Twenty seven were located in the North and Eastern parts of Glasgow, including Sighthill and Springburn; 22 were on the Southside, including Castlemilk and the remaining 14 were in the West, mainly in Scotstoun.

Most people (46) agreed that their house was adequate for their family. However, there were some problems with the houses, with size being mentioned as the most common difficulty. Generally, this involved simply too many people for a small house. But for some respondents, there was a gender issue, in that the small house meant mixed-sex children having to share bedrooms:

I have a girl and a boy, so a two bedroom house is not big enough. (3218)

I have children aged between five months and 20 years old and they have a mixed gender, so the house is too small. (3220)

High rise flats were not well liked

I hate this house. I feel like a prisoner. (1221)

There were several references to cold houses, to broken lifts which presented particular difficulties for families with young children and people with disabilities, and to what were seen as less than attractive neighbourhoods, echoing the comments on the Glasgow environment included in section 4.6. We explored whether any areas of the city were considered worse than others, and found that there were no significant differences. All areas had problems for some people.

A small number of people (12) were very unhappy with their housing, describing both the house and the service they had received as 'not good' or for some, 'appalling'. Again, there was no clear relationship between area and these experiences.

Overall however, people were positive about the housing that they had received, whilst not necessarily seeing it as especially desirable or problem free. Expectations about housing were not apparently high. One woman living in a high rise flat with a frequently broken lift and several children, including one with a physical disability, expressed a widespread feeling:

I am happy that I have a home now and that my children are safe, but I would like to move to a house without stairs. (1201)

Others expressed similar views:

I am just happy to have a home. (1206)

4.7.4 Social work services

Only five respondents had received services which they identified as coming from the Social Work Department, increasing the numbers who had mentioned this service spontaneously at the start of the interview. Overall, respondents had little or no knowledge of social work services, and had not attempted specific contact with them. They did not appear conscious of the involvement of the Social Work Department in the Asylum Support Team and did not perceive themselves as using Social Work services.

Those who said that they had used the services were reluctant to give details. It is likely that this was a particularly sensitive area involving such matters as child protection, and it was not appropriate to press for information.

4.7.5 Legal services

All but one respondent said they had indeed used legal services. Access to good legal services was described as vitally important for asylum seekers:

It is really important to understand what you are signing because this is my life. They are playing with my life. (2201)

In general, respondents were happy with the service they had received, whilst experiencing difficulty with delays in the system, and waiting for decisions on asylum applications. Two respondents had experienced difficulties with lawyers whom they did not perceive as having the necessary expertise.

My lawyer did not have any experience in immigration law, and he did not inform me of this until it was too late to change my representation. I felt that he could not defend me properly as a result. (3204)

In this connection, it is worth noting that in Scotland, solicitors can advise on any matters, and that therefore, all are free to take on work with asylum seekers. In England, this is not so, as a franchising system limits which solicitors can take on this work. The asylum seekers who had not received the advice they needed were few, but the potential seriousness of this issue should not be underestimated. These respondents appear to have ended up with inexperienced lawyers because of the pressures on the lawyers who did have the requisite expertise.

4.7.6 Police services

Fourteen people had had dealings with the local police, nearly all when they had reported incidents of racial harassment or burglaries. Responses to the service varied. Several respondents praised the police for the service they had received:

This was a very good service. The people here know you can trust the police. (1217)

[The matter] was dealt with appropriately. The police were very supportive of me. (1220)

There was some evidence that the local police had built a positive reputation:

I have had no contact with this service, but I know of others who have praised the work of the community police. (1209).

For others however, experiences had been less positive. In some cases, there was a perceived lack of help from the police:

My children were harassed a few times in the area we live in, and the police did not do anything, but told them to fight back. They did not do anything to help at all apart from take details of the incident. (3220)

One day I came home to find the window beside my door smashed. This occurred on more than one occasion. I told reception and we called the police, but they said they couldn't do anything. I was very frightened, I didn't want to stay. I didn't feel protected. (2201)

Both these accounts suggested that in fact there had been little that the police could do, since the perpetrators had proved elusive, but also illustrated higher expectations of police activity. These were also demonstrated in some more general negative perceptions of the police:

We are scared, and the police don't do anything to stop them attacking us. (3218)

A few people who have been insulted and reported the matter to the police were not happy with the help they got. They felt the police did not do anything to help their situation. (3219)

Only one person described what they felt was discrimination on the part of the police:

People from Somalia get accused of things that happen. Recently, a black man attacked a white woman. The police came to my door during the night to ask me questions. They said that the man was from Somalia and that they had to question all of us about the incident. It transpired that the attacker was from Kenya and not from Somalia, but the police assumed we are all the same. I believe that is discrimination. (1219)

Overall however, there was little evidence of negativity towards the police and none of fear of the police, which had been raised as a possibility in the course of the service provider interviews. Where people said that they did not want to involve the police, they generally explained this as due to a fear of recrimination from their attackers:

I was very upset when my bike was stolen by some young men. When I confronted them to get my bike back, they broke my wrist and I had to be admitted to hospital for an operation. I did not report this to the police, as I was scared of the consequences. (3206)

I was scared of what would happen if I told the police and whether the people who were harassing my family would insult us more. (3211)

These comments again refer to community relations issues, echoing earlier comments on life in Glasgow, and on experiences in some neighbourhoods.

4.7.7 Health services

Most respondents (51) had used health services, usually GPs. Most who commented were happy with the services they had received, and with the provision available. Health services had already been highlighted as one of the best things about living in Glasgow, and such comments were reiterated when people gave accounts of the treatment they had received:

The service is excellent, and I don't experience any problems at all. (3220)

Six people had experienced a problem with lack of interpreters when visiting their doctors' surgeries. Two raised gender issues - both these were women, who preferred a female doctor, especially for certain areas of care:

I have a male doctor, and I needed to know some details about birth control which I could not ask him. (1201)

I have a male doctor. I am not comfortable about this……I have no bond with this doctor, therefore I will hide things from him. I get very depressed and I cannot go out alone, but I cannot tell this to the doctor. (1208)

Neither the availability of interpreters, nor of female doctors appears to be intractable problems. They are matters of organisation and of sensitivity of service, neither of which is new to multi-cultural Glasgow, and it should be possible to address these problems. These issues are further discussed in the conclusions to the report.

4.7.8 Voluntary sector services

We noted earlier that voluntary sector services have the particular potential to attract and provide services for asylum seekers who have slipped through the gaps in mainstream service provision in some way. Of our respondents, eighteen had used voluntary sector services provided by smaller, community-based groups. A small number of respondents (five) valued the services they had received from these groups especially highly. Sometimes, they had come to the services having failed to contact statutory services, and in other cases, they had found the mainstream services (both statutory services and those provided by the larger voluntary sector organisations) unsatisfactory in some way. The smaller voluntary sector services that had been used were universally praised:

This was the best service I have received since coming here to Glasgow. (1214)

This is the only service I can trust since I came here. (1225)

The services that had been used included health advocacy, services for women and housing advice. Other areas of the data indicate that advocacy and specific sensitivity to women's issues are gaps in mainstream service provision.

4.7.9 English lessons

Thirty six respondents reported that they or members of their families were receiving English lessons. Children were receiving these at school, and adults via various forms of provision, mainly through local colleges ⁷, or through the YMCA. In this section, we concentrate on the adult provision.

English lessons were popular, and several respondents were waiting for places. A minority of respondents (6) did not have access to the English lessons they needed - these were women with children, who were unable to arrange childcare and therefore unable to leave the house for lessons. Ten people in all raised the issue of lack of childcare facilities to allow attendance. One woman had commenced classes, but left, because they were mixed gender.

Apart from the access issues, classes were universally praised, and respondents reported that they were generally making good progress. Respondents commented that they enjoyed the classes, and several that they had made friends there. The lessons emerged as an important point of contact, highly valued by participants, and seen as crucial to integration.

I think the English language lessons are vital for asylum seekers, as it will help them to become a part of the community. (1217)

It is a very positive experience. I have made new friends here. [The] college is a great place, where no-one feels left out. (1220)

The lessons are very useful. It is liberating to be able to speak English well now. (1224)

There was only one case of bad experiences at the classes, that of a man who had experienced some racial harassment at the college. He had raised the problem with his lawyer, who had been unresponsive - the problem had not been raised with the college, as the respondent feared the harassment might worsen.

4.7.10 Schools

Initially, many respondents were reluctant to speak about their children, but as trust built up, made it clear that they were very protective of them. For example, there was a general reluctance to name their children's school. When people commented on their children's schooling, they were generally positive, emphasising the importance of schooling, the high value attached to education and the experience of mixing with other young people, and their children's enjoyment of school.

This is an essential service. It encourages the youngsters to interact with other people from different cultures. This will help the integration process. (1215)

This has been a great experience for my children. They are happy here….They love school - it has helped them to settle down. (1230)

These comments reflect those of the service providers described in the previous chapter.

4.8 INTERPRETERS

When speaking about the services they had used, as we have noted, many respondents had used interpreters, and some reported difficulties in gaining access to interpreters. A section of the interview focused specifically on interpreting, to allow full exploration of the services and their strengths and weaknesses.

Interpreters had been used by a majority of the respondents (41). More often, the interpreter was a professional, but fifteen respondents described experiences involving friends or relatives as interpreters. In two cases, children had been used in this role.

Informal interpreters could be problematic. Respondents related incidences of confusion due to the rather poor language skills of informal interpreters, and expressed some concerns about confidentiality when using their friends in this way.

My friend's English is not very good…..and you can't always tell your friends everything. (3216)

The use of children was, fortunately, unusual, and is widely recognised as bad practice (see discussion in Chapter 3).

There were also some benefits in informal interpreters. For example, one respondent stated:

There are not many Somali interpreters here. We just help each other. (1218)

Having a formal interpreter present was widely appreciated, though the difficulties of needing to have an interpreter were highlighted:

The hospital arranged for me to have an interpreter when I was in labour. This was very useful at the time, although it was a bit of an imposition to have someone in the room with me. (1201)

Finding out about and arranging for an interpreter to be present were not generally under the control of the asylum seekers themselves. Interpreters tended to be arranged by the service providers. Doctors and lawyers appeared to have been most active in arranging for interpreters to be present. Asylum seekers had no choice of interpreter.

About half the respondents who had used interpreters were happy with the service they had received. For those who had experienced difficulties, the most common was that the service was unreliable. Frequently, interpreters had not been available (13 people recalled this), or had not kept appointments.

They are very helpful people generally, but they sometimes let you down at important times. There have been a few occasions when I requested an interpreter and they never appear to the appointment as agreed. (1201)

They were not reliable. They failed to attend my hospital appointment, which meant I had to make another one. (1211)

It was helpful when we had an interpreter, but when we needed the health services, most of the time we were not provided with a professional interpreter as it was too expensive. Also, our interpreter was not allowed in a few consultations. (3204)

The last comment may be indicative of difficulties among professionals with using interpreters, since the exclusion of the interpreter seems to have come from the professional side of the consultation. It suggests a lack of sensitivity towards the client, and a failure to appreciate the importance of effective communication during a consultation. A similar issue arose in a few cases in which a male interpreter had been provided in situations where female service users would have preferred a woman, for reasons of modesty and/or culture. Several respondents commented that they found using the same interpreter was particularly helpful, as they felt reassured about reliability.

Such problems appeared commonly to be due to organisational issues, or pressure on the service. As in the section on health services (4.7.7), there were also indications of a lack of sensitivity in service provision, possibly exacerbated by the pressures on them of dealing with large numbers of people with complex problems within constrained resources.

There were also some problems with the quality of the service. Particularly disturbing were issues concerning the professionalism of some interpreters

I was given an interpreter at the hospital who did not speak my language very well. This person was very rude when I tried to correct her on something that I had said. (1208)

Sometimes I knew that the interpreter did not say what I wanted them to say. They just agreed with the doctor. They didn't realise that I could speak some English. I heard the interpreter say that I was over-reacting to my child's health situation. They were suggesting that I was ungrateful for the service. (1222)

I think that some interpreters take the side of the service providers. (1229)

In all, eleven respondents were unhappy with the impartiality of the interpreters, feeling that they put the service provider's points of view. Whilst such problems were, fortunately, experienced by a minority, they do serve to emphasise the importance of proper training for interpreters and monitoring of their work (cf McPake et al 2002:46).

Six respondents who needed interpreters had not used them. Two of these had preferred to make their own arrangements, but the others had experienced considerable difficulties. One woman had found herself trapped:

The service providers have never provided an interpreter. This is partly because I cannot call in advance for an appointment as I do not speak the language. They say if I give them notice, they will provide an interpreter. (1232)

Another explained that her need for an interpreter was not always recognised:

My English is quite good and I have been asked to be an informal interpreter for other asylum seekers. But when I am with the lawyer, I would prefer an interpreter to be there so I know exactly what is happening with my appeal. (2201)

These examples, whilst few, again illustrate areas in which the provision of services needs to be sensitive.

During the discussions about interpreters, some respondents raised a related, but different set of issues relating to communication. They noted the difference between interpreters, who would simply translate their words, and advocates, who offered additional support in the process of using services, and promoting effective communication. Some of them had had experience of an advocacy service, which was universally praised. This respondent expressed the typical response particularly eloquently:

I didn't really need an interpreter, as I speak very good English, but sometimes I feel I am not being listened to and in that situation it would be helpful to have an advocate with me. An advocate would be able to explain the professional terms to me and this would allow me to speak for myself. (1209)

In a related comment, another respondent compared the interpreting and advocacy they had experienced:

I was uncomfortable with this service [i.e. interpreter]. There are many things in our lives that we cannot discuss properly with an interpreter. When we heard of [the] advocacy service, we were very keen to contact them because they speak my words precisely. This way I understand the situation better and I feel that I have a better say in matters that affect my life. (1229)

From these points of view, the development of advocacy services for asylum seekers appears welcome.

4.9 COMMUNITY RELATIONS

4.9.1 Safety and security

Asylum seekers were asked detailed questions about their neighbourhoods, and about factors which might indicate integration or alienation. They were equally divided about whether they were happy in their neighbourhood or not, and some areas were perceived as better than others. Other people described themselves as unhappy because of their personal situations, being away from their families and familiar surroundings:

I will not be happy until my family are with me again. (1204)

I am very lonely here - I miss my family and friends. (1207)

I like it here, but I am a bit homesick. (1221)

Safety was an important issue for many respondents, including some who were otherwise relatively satisfied with their homes. Many people expressed fear of going out at night, and explained that they did not let their children out of the house except to go to school. There were stories of people being attacked in the street, gangs of youths and harassment. These came from people who had been housed in more deprived areas of the city, especially in high flats, corroborating previous reports of difficulties in these areas. 29 respondents said that they felt threatened in their neighbourhood, and 11 of these described direct experiences of attack, mainly in the form of verbal abuse but also including four cases of physical attack, two of which involved children. One woman described particularly severe experiences of problems:

I constantly feel threatened here. I have my doors locked at all times. My house has been burgled three times when I was at home. I complained to the concierge and he did nothing about it. I would rather have died in Afghanistan. I don't understand English, but I am aware by people's expressions that they mean me harm. (1201)

Six people explained that they had reported problems in their local area to the police, and that they had been treated helpfully and with understanding. One person had reported an incident to a school, but had not found the staff helpful. Twenty-two people had not reported incidents, generally because of the fear of recrimination, which had been mentioned in previous discussions of using the police service.

I didn't see the point in reporting the incident, as this could have exacerbated the problem. (1215)

I have been insulted before, but I did not report it. I was afraid of the consequences, in case the matter got worse. (3215)

For some people, the police inspired little confidence:

We are scared, and the police don't do anything to stop them attacking us. (3218)

I felt it was useless [to report to the police] because a few people who have been insulted and reported the matter to the police were not happy with the help they got. They felt the police didn't do anything to help their situation. (3219)

It is worth noting that the last comment did not derive from direct experience, but from a wider view of the police. It may serve to emphasise the importance of community relations work by the police force, and the continuing need to work to build the confidence of asylum seeker communities. It was clear in the previous chapter that the local police force recognises this at a strategic level, and that important work is being done.

Some respondents saw little point in reporting verbal abuse, accepting it as a minor matter:

Who would I tell? No-one will listen to this complaint. It is only names and that can't hurt me. I would be wasting people's time by complaining. (1206)

This stoicism has to be seen in the context of research evidence of the debilitating effects of constant verbal abuse, and the implications of such hostility for community relations. Virdee (1997:284-289) for example emphasises both the emotional impact of harassment and abuse for the individual, and the social impact of fear of leaving the house, self segregation and restricted interaction outside the home.

The theme of isolation was re-emphasised at this point in the interviews for many. There was a particular problem for some women, who commented that they did not go out alone for fear of attack, or could not speak English and therefore were unable to interact with others outside their families. For others, isolation was a means of self-protection. One respondent asked if they felt safe responded:

Yes, but that is because we keep to ourselves and mind our own business. (1212)

Twenty five people were living in areas where they had encountered no-one else who spoke their language. This was a little more likely to occur for people belonging to smaller nationality groups, but had also occurred for thirteen people belonging to large nationality groups.

These data overall indicate that there were significant problems of safety and security for many people. The data were explored in detail to ascertain whether there were patterns in the experiences - did they, for example occur more frequently in different areas of the city? Were women more likely than men to feel threatened? Were more visibly different people likely to experience more harassment? Did people with young children feel more vulnerable? Were there any ethnic groups who were more vulnerable? These investigations demonstrated that there were no significant differences between different parts of the city, between women and men, between visible and invisible groups, between those with or without children. There was a small association between Iranian and Afghan origins, and greater feelings of insecurity. This is difficult to explain, but may be linked in the case of Iranians to the more middle class origins of people who found themselves located in unfamiliar surroundings, and in the case of the Afghans, to the political situation in Afghanistan and world-wide at the time of interview.

4.9.2 Integration

Despite the problems of their surroundings and the widespread experience of abuse, a majority (42) of the respondents said that they had made friends in Glasgow. Friendships had been formed with compatriots, with other asylum seekers and also with local people. Many related that they had made Scottish friends, and spoke of their good neighbours. All these friendships were clearly important for mutual support, and were highly valued by respondents.

I have made friends with Glasgow people and other asylum seekers. We help and encourage one another. (2201)

For some groups, communities of asylum seekers sharing similar origins were emerging, and were described as providing important mutual support. These included Albanian, Somali, Turkish and Iranian communities, some of which were beginning to establish more formal support groups, offering interpreting, social meetings and so on. The capacity of these groups to provide much needed support was clear, though their recognition by formal service providers was not. At least one group had asked for facilities to meet, a request which had been turned down by the service approached. One respondent explained that the Somali group was important for developing more general good relations:

I am a member of the Somali group here in Glasgow, and we meet regularly to discuss any problems and to chat about everyday things. This has helped me to become part of the larger community. (1216)

Whilst friendships were emerging, feeling part of the wider community was much less likely. Fifteen people felt that they had indeed become part of local communities, and expressed positive and optimistic views:

We are developing a new community here. I feel like part of the Sighthill community, but not really part of the Glasgow community. I am sure that through time we will develop and bond with the wider community of Glasgow. All it takes is patience and understanding and co-operation with all parties and we are getting closer to that goal every day. (1210)

I have been made very welcome here. (1219)

Others felt that acceptance would be more difficult:

It will take a long time to be accepted as part of the community. (1211)

The local people have accepted us now, but it will take a long time before we are welcomed as part of the community. (1229)

They explained that their identity as asylum seekers was seen by others as paramount:

I am an asylum seeker first. (1202)

Although the people here are quite friendly, I still feel like I am an intruder here. (1204)

People who emphasised difficulties in local communities expressed further caution about integration:

T here are too many foreigners living here. The community here in Sighthill is very fragile, and I'm sure it could become volatile. There are too many different political and cultural differences to overcome in this area. (1228)

The role of local churches in promoting integration and good community relations was explained by some respondents at this stage:

I am not a member of the church as such, but the service myself and others have received from the church has made us feel very welcome in this part of Glasgow. (1210)

I am not a member of the church, but I go there to pray when no-one is about. The Mosque is too far for me. (1221)

The Mosques also had this role:

The Mosque is a private place where all men are treated equally. I am very glad that there is a mosque here. (1220)

For children, schools were an important source of friendships. Most parents, as noted above, explained that their children were progressing well, and many felt that going to school had helped their children settle in Glasgow. It emerged that many children were kept at home outside of school, due to the safety considerations in the neighbourhoods in which they lived. Schools were thus key places in which children interacted with others. There appeared to be no potential activities for children outside school, except for some limited opportunities for extra-curricular sport. Family recreation was also limited, involving reading, shopping and going for walks. Swimming was a popular pastime, but proved expensive for some families.

Overall therefore, the data illustrated plenty of potential for integration, and examples of how this might be built. There were also missed opportunities, such as a lack of work with children outside school, the possibility of promoting the development of friendships through befriending services, support for the developing mutual support associations which appeared to aid integration by increasing people's feelings of security and belonging.

4.10 CONCLUDING POINTS

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