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ASYLUM SEEKERS IN SCOTLAND

CHAPTER THREE: THE IMPACT OF DISPERSAL - SERVICE PROVIDER PERSPECTIVES

3.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter will explore the ways in which the dispersal of asylum seekers to Scotland has impacted on a wide range of central and local government departments, non-governmental organisations, voluntary organisations, community and religious groups who are involved in the provision of services. This will involve discussion of the following areas:

• The impact on agency policy and provision of services.
• Meeting the needs of asylum seekers
• Problems faced by asylum seekers
• The role of interpreters
• Collaborative work
• Community reaction
• General views on service provision.

The chapter is based on interviews with 32 individuals from agencies and organisations which have been involved in providing services to asylum seekers in Glasgow. As noted in Chapter One, included within this sample, in addition to NASS and the Scottish Asylum Seekers Consortium, are social work, housing, education (including community education), health, police, voluntary sector groups, and legal services. In that sense, the sample is a balanced and broadly representative one. Given, however, that the main aim of this part of the research was to explore policy, practice and experience in the implementation of the Act, the primary consideration in compiling the sample was to ensure that the experience and perspectives of those who have been most centrally involved in working with asylum seekers were included. In addition, to ensure that the research was reflecting different experiences and perspectives within agencies as well as between agencies, interviews were normally conducted at both managerial level and frontline worker level. The sample is therefore best described as a purposive one, compiled on the basis of extensive discussions both with the Research Advisory Group and also an informal Stakeholders Group.

For these respondents to feel able to speak freely about asylum seeker policy and practice within their own agency, in other agencies and more generally, it was necessary to guarantee complete confidentiality in respect of their contributions. A drawback of this is that it has not possible within this chapter to attribute particular remarks to particular individuals, something that would have usefully highlighted issues for specific agencies. On the other hand, the guarantee of confidentiality undoubtedly meant that respondents were able to provide much fuller - and sometimes more critical - responses than would otherwise have been the case.

3.2 THE IMPACT ON POLICY AND PROVISION OF SERVICES

In considering the impact of dispersal policy on service providers in Scotland, two factors are of particular significance. First, and most important, is the fact that under the devolution, settlement, immigration and asylum policy is a reserved matter, responsibility for which remains with the Westminster Parliament. Dispersal policy has been implemented by NASS in Croydon through contracts with Glasgow City Council and the YMCA and through grant funding to the Scottish Refugee Council. In practice, the implications of this way of implementing policy appear to have been threefold:

i) There seems to have been a very high degree of centralisation, particularly in the early stages of dispersal, with responsibility not only for general interpretation of policy but also for detailed individual decision-making (for example, in relation to an asylum seeker's vouchers not arriving) remaining at Croydon;

ii) There seems to have been a strong initial perception amongst key service providers who were not party to the contract with NASS that the impact of dispersal policy on their services would be minimal, since there would be provision within the NASS contract with Glasgow City Council for addressing the basic needs of asylum seekers. This perception was strengthened by the fact that no additional funding was provided for key services such as police and social work;

iii) For reasons noted in the previous chapter, the role of the Scottish Executive in shaping or responding to developments, particularly in the early stages of dispersal, was minimal, though this has changed over the past year. This context is important in understanding many of the issues discussed below, including the difficulties experienced in dealing with NASS, the lack of preparedness of services to deal with asylum seekers, and the huge demands made on existing resources by the arrival of large numbers of asylum seekers.

Second, dispersal policy has brought many mainstream service providers in Glasgow into contact with asylum seekers for the first time. Prior to the Act, the relatively small number of asylum seekers and refugees in Glasgow meant that, while there was a degree of expertise in some services as a result of them either having a specialist remit or having responded to the needs of earlier groups of refugees (such as people from Kosovo), other service providers had no such experience. Not surprisingly then, the expression 'steep learning curve' was one which frequently recurred in interviews with service providers. This section will attempt to evaluate the impact of the Act on service providers - mainstream, specialist and newly-created services, posts and projects. This will involve exploring the impact of the 1999 Act on these service providers in respect of both policy and service provision, in terms of scale, nature of services provided and the way in which these services are delivered.

3.2.1 The impact on policy

In considering the impact of the Act on policy towards asylum seekers, it is useful to distinguish between the impact of the key policy change introduced by the Act itself - dispersal - and the subsequent impact of that policy on the policies of service providers.

3.2.1.1 Impact of Dispersal policy

Both positive and negative aspects of dispersal policy were identified.

a) Positive aspects

Financial gains. Glasgow City Council has benefited financially from the arrival of asylum seekers, principally in terms of new capital becoming available for old void housing stock, which would otherwise have deteriorated.

Increased employment. Jobs have been created (and saved) within several Glasgow City Council Departments, within voluntary organisations and within black and ethnic minority communities. As an example, refurbishment of houses for asylum seekers has resulted in 50 new jobs being created by Blindcraft.

Educational benefits. Glasgow schools have been kept open which would otherwise have closed due to low numbers. In addition, the high level of educational motivation of asylum seeker children was identified as having had a motivating effect on other children. Changed funding structures now allow for the payment of childcare costs to enable asylum seekers to access English language classes. One respondent summed up the overall impact as follows:

The children here now have a new enthusiasm for education. Local children offer support with language to the asylum seeker children which has helped them to develop their own language skills. Another positive effect has been in homework production, the local children see that the asylum seeker children have progressed because they do homework, and in turn, receive praise and encouragement. This has encouraged local to children to follow the asylum seeker example.

Addressing skills shortages. The fact that asylum seekers were generally well educated and skilled was seen as potentially significant in terms of addressing Scotland's present and future skill shortages.

Increased ethnic diversity. Overall, Glasgow was seen as now 'a richer place in terms of its ethnic mix'. For example, Farsi is now a significant language in Glasgow. Describing the impact of dispersal in one area of the city, one respondent felt that

The people of [this area] have long had low self-esteem about their social position. I believe that they have a sense of common struggle between themselves and asylum seekers.

b) Negative aspects

The scale and speed of dispersal. The pace at which both dispersal and the decision-making process in relation to asylum requests took place appears to have been much more rapid than key NASS partners and other service providers had initially anticipated. As a result, preparations to receive and integrate asylum seekers were often not in place. That lack of preparedness was exacerbated by an initial perception, noted above, that services to asylum seekers would be ring fenced and that there would be no major impact on mainstream services. A consequence of the resultant lack of preparedness was that additional pressure was placed on specialist providers.

Centralisation of NASS. The lack of preparation referred to above was exacerbated by the highly centralised nature of the dispersal process, leaving local service providers to respond in a highly reactive way. One respondent's contribution gave a flavour of what this involved (as well as an indication of how things have improved):

Dispersal changed things dramatically - asylum seekers were arriving on National Express buses in the middle of the night and then taking them to their flat was the only option. Now dispersals arrive at 6am, the asylum seekers are tired but at least it is daylight and if there are problems we can deal with them there and then. It has been a real learning curve.

Impact of dispersal process on asylum seekers. The (perceived) highly bureaucratic and impersonal nature of the dispersal process was seen as creating problems not only for service providers but also for asylum seekers:

It is much more problematic now because of the 'no choice' dispersal policy. Many families are divided which has created further problems for health care and social life. So much time is wasted by the bureaucratic system of the Home Office. Sometimes people's cases are due to be heard and their papers have not arrived up in Scotland yet. There have been cases when people have arrived here in Glasgow one day and have to be back in Croydon the next day for hearings. This creates intense pressure for all concerned.

Other respondents also referred to the psychological effects on some asylum seekers of no-choice dispersal as a result of being separated from family and friends ('for perhaps a second or third time'). The poverty and loss of status resulting from 'no choice' dispersal and voucher system were also mentioned.

Lack of preparation of local communities. A number of respondents identified the growth in racist incidents as one of the major negative effects of dispersal while others referred more generally to the impact of large numbers of asylum seekers arriving in very deprived communities:

We didn't anticipate such strong hostility, there wasn't enough preparation work. The local community felt overwhelmed and there is still a massive amount of integration work to be done.

3.2.1.2 Impact of Act on agency policy

As noted above, prior to the implementation of the Act, many service providers had had little or no contact with asylum seekers of refugees. As a result, there was often no policy or strategy in place to respond to the needs of the new arrivals.

We didn't have a policy before. We've had to look at everything. We started from scratch, from the situation of knowing nothing.

Many service providers had to react and respond to the demand at short notice. We are faced with new problems and have had to learn as we go along, as it were.

That said, there was a widespread perception that, two years on, many agencies, both voluntary and statutory, are now routinely considering asylum seekers in their planning and development programmes. Within primary and secondary education, for example, a system of bilingual and integrated classes has been developed which allows for the initial language needs of asylum seeker students to be addressed but avoids segregation and enhances the opportunities for integration. Two other areas which were referred to as evidence of learning here were improved multi-agency working (which will be discussed in more detail below) and also a shift in the use of interpreters within bodies such as the health service to the extent that it has become standard practice.

In addition, the appointment by the Scottish Executive of a minister with responsibility for asylum and refugee matters, along with the establishment of the Scottish Refugee Integration Forum to drive forward policy to meet the needs of refugees were also identified as positive developments, albeit seen by some respondents as rather belated.

3.2.1.3 Impact of Act on services (scale of provision, type of services, form of delivery)

While the impact of dispersal policy on services will clearly vary, all services had experienced an increase in their level of contact with asylum seekers which, in the case of specialist services such as the Scottish Refugee Council, had been dramatic.

The development of services was seen to have been hampered by a lack of funding, a lack of co-ordination, difficulties in communication with the Home Office and a lack of experience. Where services had received additional funding, such as education, they were often identified as models of good practice. As one respondent noted, however, 'everything is still coming out of the same pot' and this means that service development continues to be at best patchy with voluntary organisations, some statutory organisations (such as the police) and other services (such as legal representation) receiving no or very little additional funding. That said, there was a widespread view that, after a slow start, there has now been a significant increase in the level of service provision for asylum seekers. The decision by the Scottish Executive to award 700,000 of additional funding to Glasgow-based Social Inclusion Partnerships (with 500,000 going to Glasgow North SIP, including Sighthill) was welcomed.

In terms of the nature of the services provided and the way in which they are provided, there were wide variations between organisations which had traditionally been involved with ethnic minorities (and perhaps asylum seekers) on the one hand and those which had previously had only had limited contact. While the former experienced an increase in the volume of work involving asylum seekers, in some cases the content of their work was largely unchanged.

We have always offered services to asylum seekers. We have had to adapt to the increase in numbers of people that come through our doors but no real changes to the way that we deliver services.

By contrast, service providers who previously had only limited contact with asylum seekers, felt that the nature of the service they provided had changed significantly. One example is the police. Respondents noted that, with dispersal, there had been had been an increase throughout the force in race awareness training and a greater understanding of diversity. In addition, investigating incidents with non-English speaking asylum seekers took up to three times longer than normal, not simply because of language difficulties but also, crucially, because of the need to build trust, given asylum seekers' often very negative experience of the police in their own countries.

3.3 MEETING THE NEEDS OF ASYLUM SEEKERS

As noted in the previous section, the numbers of asylum seekers approaching agencies has increased significantly since the implementation of dispersal policy. Thus, a worker at a voluntary organisation offering advice, advocacy and support to minority ethnic communities might now expect to see between five and ten asylum seekers each week; a church group running a drop-in centre between fifty and sixty; an Asylum Support Team worker might see up to 20 people in an afternoon surgery; between them, NASS outreach workers might make up to one hundred visits a week; while an agency like the Scottish Refugee Council which is centrally involved in dispersal might expect to receive up to four hundred and fifty enquiries each week. This section will look at how service providers attempt to address the needs of asylum seekers and at the perceived strengths and weaknesses of the services they provide.

3.3.1 The needs of asylum seekers

The provision of accommodation is at the core of the NASS contract with both Glasgow City Council and the YMCA. However, most service providers recognised that the needs of asylum seekers extended far beyond their basic need for housing. On the one hand, there was a recognition that asylum seekers shared the same basic human needs as everyone else, such as the need for friendship, a safe place to live, security, basic information and a decent income. On the other, there was an awareness that asylum seekers often have additional or special needs as a result of their particular experiences:

I would say that housing is their biggest need in the first instance but as time progresses their needs become more complex. They obviously need access to basic services like education and healthcare and legal services, but they also need access to recreational activities and perhaps counselling services.

In the first instance their needs are housing, however they also need healthcare and other services. Many of the asylum seekers have been victims of torture and need very specialist care.

Friendship. Somebody to guide them through the system, be helpful, find out things and go with them if they need it. English lessons, a family taking them home for Christmas dinner. They have unmet physical, medical, psychological and spiritual needs. And we need to have enough discernment not to be taken for a ride, for some will do that.

Mercifully they got rid of the voucher system, which was only equivalent to 70% of income support, but they still do not have enough money for a healthy lifestyle.

Reference was also made here to the need for legal support and representation in relation to the asylum process.

That said, not everyone felt that asylum seekers did have particular needs:

The only things that's different about asylum seekers is that they're awaiting a decision - otherwise they have the same needs and wants as everyone else.

3.3.2 Perceived strengths of services

Respondents were then asked to identify what they saw as the strengths of their service in addressing these needs.

3.3.2.1 Holistic approach

Several respondents saw the main strength of their service as being adherence to a holistic approach which valued the asylum seekers as human beings and sought to empathise with their experience:

We have tried to develop an holistic approach to service provision which enables us to be very flexible and allows us to offer clients full support, in this sense we can often extend support to clients who have underlying issues, which can often be overlooked by interpreting services alone.

Individual Officers bring their own life skills and it is how that comes across to asylum seekers and their families. It is an awareness and understanding of the issues and dilemmas that face the asylum seekers and the communities in which they live.

We try to provide a holistic social and psychological model of care to try and achieve optimum functioning in all areas. We have to think broadly from providing clothes to drawing a route map. Awareness of social factors that impact on everyday life.

3.3.2.2 Expertise

For other more specialist agencies, it was their accumulated expertise in the area of asylum that was identified as the main strength of the organisation:

We have a multidisciplinary team of professionals with expertise in social work, education, etc. therefore we have multi -agency knowledge.

We have extensive knowledge of refugee issues and experience in providing a range of specialist service. As a national organisation providing advice, information and assistance to asylum seekers and refugees in Scotland we are able to promote a strategic response to refugee needs and campaign to ensure Scotland plays a role in meeting the UK's legal and humanitarian obligations under the 1951 United Nations Convention on Refugees. We work extensively with other agencies and government departments to improve and develop services to refugees.

3.3.2.3 Other identified strengths:

• The fact that Glasgow is one authority means that services are well integrated
• Integration of children into mainstream schooling
• Social and educational integration through ESOL teaching and the development of vocational classes:

It became apparent to all the ESOL teachers that English lessons alone were not enough to learn the language and that integration with other students was paramount to their development and progression, therefore we developed the vocational courses to offer places for asylum seekers.

• Free legal advice and representation.
• Willingness to accept criticism
• Recreational support offered
• Interpreting services

3.3.3 Perceived weaknesses of services

3.3.3.1 Lack of funding and resources.

The major weakness identified by service providers - statutory, voluntary and community-based - was a lack of funding and resources, mentioned by more than 50% of respondents. One service provider summed up the problems in this way:

There is no specific funding for asylum seeker issues. Translation/interpreting is horrifically expensive. Community issues are still a major issue. There are still weaknesses around the initial reception of asylum seekers.

3.3.3.2 Relationship with NASS

The centralisation of NASS was identified by several respondents as a major problem. NASS now employs 11 members of staff as outreach workers in Scotland, but until April of this year, only one member of staff was covering the whole of Scotland. This, plus the fact that any problems or queries still have to be dealt with centrally, caused major problems in relation to the resolution of voucher difficulties; the allocation of houses (initially done by NASS); lack of notice of arrival of asylum seekers; and difficulties in legal representation due to delays in getting papers from Croydon.

3.3.3.3 Other identified weaknesses

• Legal support services
• Need for accredited training and development for people who work with asylum seekers
• Need for greater access to bi-lingual staff
• Difficulties in recruiting interpreters
• Barriers to access to ESOL classes and higher education

It would be misleading, however, to perceive all contact between asylum seekers and agencies as being primarily concerned with meeting the needs of asylum seekers. While the majority of service providers saw their role in this way, contact between asylum seekers and service providers was sometimes less concerned with meeting need than with ensuring that asylum seekers adhered strictly to the law in respect of both financial and immigration matters. In particular, the function of NASS is to provide assistance only to those deemed to be destitute (with the interpretation of 'destitute' narrower than that which would apply in respect of Income Support). Consequently NASS Outreach Officers combine what is seen as a pastoral role with clear control functions in respect of suspected fraud, whether it take the form of illegal working, fraudulent documents, or the possession of household goods. Not surprisingly, from time to time, this can bring NASS into conflict with other agencies whose role is primarily one of advocacy or humanitarian support and this will be considered more fully below in the section on collaborative working.

3.4 PROBLEMS FACED BY ASYLUM SEEKERS

Respondents identified the following as the main problems experienced by asylum seekers:

3.4.1 Racism and racial harassment

Racism was identified by several respondents as one of the biggest problems which asylum seekers faced, with three respondents seeing this as their biggest problem.

3.4.2 Social isolation

Several respondents also identified social isolation as a major problem. Factors contributing to that isolation included 'no choice' dispersal policy; language barriers; limited opportunities for social interaction; and poverty:

As a result of the dispersal policy, people face social isolation, both from the host community and in many cases their own family who could be dispersed elsewhere.

Other respondents similarly saw 'no choice' dispersal policy as contributing both to social isolation and psychological problems:

Family separation and emotional traumas resulting from this.

Restrictions imposed by the Act were identified by another respondent as contributing to their isolation and lack of social integration:

They are not allowed to work, can't enjoy a certain lifestyle, live in the inner city area but can't afford to do anything. In order to integrate in the local community, asylum seekers need social interaction.

3.4.3 Waiting for a decision

Several respondents identified waiting for a decision on their asylum application as the biggest problem for asylum seekers.

3.4.4 Language problems

Language problems have been referred to above as one contributory factor to social isolation. However, several respondents saw language problems as underpinning many of the other problems which asylum seekers experienced:

I think that language barriers are perhaps one of the biggest problems they face.

95% of their problems are language based.

3.4.5 Poor communication

Other respondents saw the key issue as poor communication in the early stages of dispersal between Glasgow City Council and local residents in areas such as Sighthill, allowing false notions to flourish concerning the benefits which asylum seekers actually receive:

The problems in Sighthill were as a result of a lack of communication between the Council and local residents. There was economic jealousy. The locals were also annoyed at being called racist. The BNP arrived in Sighthill but were sent away with a flea in their ear by local residents. The answer would be to plough the money back into Sighthill.

3.5 THE ROLE OF INTERPRETERS

A major effect of dispersal policy has been to hugely increase demand for interpreting services in the West of Scotland. The Glasgow Interpreting Service, for example, indicated they now deal with between 700 and 800 requests for interpreters each week. This section will explore the issues that this raised for service providers and how they attempted to address these.

3.5.1 No use of interpreting services

A small number of service providers (3) indicated that they made little or no use of interpreting services. This was usually either because their staff were bilingual, in-house interpreting services were available or perhaps because financial constraints precluded their use. 15 service providers indicated that they had bi-lingual staff to work with asylum seekers:

All of our staff are bi-lingual and speak most of the languages of the asylum seekers, but in some cases we have had to use interpreting services.

We use in-house interpreters where possible.

We rely on other asylum seekers.

In respect of this last comment, while reliance on other asylum seekers may sometimes be appropriate and/or forced on organisations out of financial necessity, it is clearly not appropriate where the matters under discussion are of a sensitive or a confidential nature.

3.5.2 Use of interpreting services

For those service providers who did make use of interpreters (22), the most common response was that interpreters were used whenever needed, which tended to mean (in the words of one respondent) 'where the client has insufficient command of English to either explain their problems/needs or where language limitation inhibits the ability of the caseworker to communicate with the client'.

In addition to these general reasons, a more specific reason for using interpreters (as opposed to relying on family members) was also given, relating to the need for gender-sensitive practice:

Some asylum seeker women can be culturally inept and dependent on their husbands to speak English. Domestic abuse amongst certain groups of asylum seekers is more liberal. This is a hidden crime. Women will not report this as their husband is usually the main applicant, and what would become of them if he was deported?

3.5.3 Which interpreting services to use?

There was some variation in terms of where interpreters came from. The Glasgow Interpreting Service (GIS) is funded by Glasgow City Council and is the main source of interpreters for local authority departments. The GIS is part of the SASC Stakeholders Group (referred to earlier in paragraph 2.2.2) and members of the Stakeholders Group who need an interpreter will be given priority by the GIS. Those who were not members of the Stakeholders Group or who had in-house provision tended to rely either on their in-house interpreters, on a range of private interpreting services or on more informal interpreters:

Whatever source is available at short notice. Some interpreting services need a week's notice. This is obviously not suitable for people in desperate situations.

Wherever we can at short notice.

When we can find them, people willing to help. We can't afford to pay interpreters, we rely on goodwill. The most valuable are the children who are picking up English so quickly.

The last comment highlights the need for proper training in the use of interpreters, since both previous research and accepted notions of good practice would regard the use of children as interpreters as highly inappropriate and even unethical, given the often sensitive issues which may require discussion. To say that, however, is not to underestimate the dilemmas facing organisations which wish to support asylum seekers but do not have the resources to ensure that best practice always applies.

3.5.4 Experience of interpreting services

As noted above, dispersal policy has led to a huge increase in the demand for interpreting services. At least one service provider expressed the view that the very narrow initial perception of asylum seekers' needs - primarily, for housing - had led to an underestimation of their language needs. A common theme emerging from respondents' comments was that initially, interpreting services had been problematic in several respects but had improved considerably in the past year, particularly in the period since increased funding had been made available to the GIS:

There were problems in the past but the system has been restructured by the stakeholders' funding project. The service may still need some polishing but the service and standard of interpreters is very good.

The service has improved dramatically over the past year since GIS was refunded.

Patchy in places but the standard is fine.

One health service provider commented that

It's not without problems but there are more that 800 requests per week.

Others were more critical. The three most frequently voiced criticisms of interpreting services in general was that they were very expensive; that they were unreliable; and that the quality was variable, with interpreters sometimes imposing their own interpretation on what an asylum seeker was saying. One respondent (whose organisation has moved towards developing in-house interpreting services) summed up these issues in the following way:

The quality of external interpreting has varied greatly over the past two years. Availability…and reliability remain problematic. In general there seems to be some improvement but there is little in the way of a quality mark in Glasgow. The cost of interpreting from private companies has been prohibitive in many cases and continues to be beyond the budget of many organisations. There are significant difficulties accessing affordable services for written translation of documents.

Other respondents made similar points. Also, the recognition that interpreting is not simply a technical process but involves issues of values, politics and trust was explicit in the comments of this respondent:

My views have become more complex as time goes on. Sometimes the quality of interpreting depends on the interpreter's political views. I don't like to work with those that have other agendas. The asylum seeker may not trust the interpreter or may know the interpreter lives locally and they don't want their business to be known by others. Other interpreters censor what is being said, which I think is unacceptable.

3.6 COLLABORATIVE WORK

Most organisations seemed to share the view of the respondent who felt that 'partnership work is the key to meeting refugee needs in Scotland'. In response to the question 'Which other organisations do you work with that provide services to asylum seekers?' most service providers were able to come up with a very long list, which included statutory organisations, NGOs, voluntary organisations, campaigning/advocacy groups and churches. Reasons for such contact included offering and receiving training; exchanging information; joint decision-making; joint lobbying over refugee issues. The sections which follow will identify the perceived strengths of such collaborative working; any weaknesses; multi-agency training; and the experience of making referrals to other organisations.

3.6.1 Strengths of collaborative working

The following areas were identified as strengths:

There can only be strengths in multi-agency networks. We have the benefit of strategic joint decisions. We exchange examples of good practice therefore we all benefit from the successes and are warned about the problems in advance. It also provides us with an external gauge of our own service provision.

A strength is that the managerial positions of the representatives means that decisions can be made there and then.

The collaborative nature of work. Sharing of information. Joint 'ownership' of the issues and sorting out solutions.

It took a long time to build up relationships. Now there is a better degree of trust.

3.6.2 Weaknesses of collaborative working

The following weaknesses were identified:

Extremely time consuming and can be frustrating.

A weakness can be the commitment to the group - often there are key representatives missing.

One organisation felt that it was limited in its ability to respond to all the demands made on it due to lack of adequate resources.

In general, multi-agency working was viewed positively by respondents. There were also tensions and difficulties, however, and these tended to relate to the following two areas:

i. Additional demands and expectations being placed on service providers, particularly specialist service providers, for information, expertise and support which the providers did not feel they had the resources to meet;

ii. Expectations of what is meant by good collaborative working, and specifically, the extent to which it should include or preclude criticism or advocacy. An example was the issue of unannounced visits to asylum seekers by NASS Outreach workers, part of whose role involves ensuring that asylum seekers are not receiving any goods to which they are not entitled under the legislation. Some organisations clearly felt that the way in which this role was being carried out amounted to harassment and intrusion, and the issue became public. Following discussion between NASS and voluntary/church organisations involved in meeting the material needs of asylum seekers, agreement has been reached that groups involved in providing asylum seekers with second-hand goods such as televisions or radios will now provide the asylum seeker with a pro-forma which can be shown to the NASS Outreach Officer. This arrangement does not, however, cover gifts from friends or other family members, whether in the form of goods or money.

3.6.3 Multi-agency training

One respondent succinctly summed up the potential benefits of multi-agency training as follows:

Multi-agency training promotes healthy debate and strengthens good practice across a variety of disciplines. Participants' feedback highlights networking opportunities and exchange of information as two of the most positive aspects of multi-agency training.

Specialist organisations in both the statutory and voluntary sectors were heavily involved in giving (and receiving) training to a very wide range of statutory, voluntary and community-based groups, again often without additional funding for this task. That said, the high number of respondents from different organisations (including church groups) who either did not comment on this question or felt that the question was not applicable suggests that there may still be gaps.

3.6.4 Experience of referral to other organisations

The experience of referring asylum seekers to other agencies seemed generally positive but with some more critical responses:

Referrals work very well, again depending on the problem.

In general they work.

Usually they come back to us looking for more help.

Sometimes the asylum seekers come back saying they did not get any advice or support.

One reason why some agencies have a more positive experience than others was suggested by the respondent who said:

In most cases the referrals are very positive because we offer a holistic service, and as such, we accompany the client to the referral in question.

3.7 COMMUNITY REACTION

Community reaction to the arrival of asylum seekers in deprived areas of Glasgow such as Sighthill was a major issue of media concern during the early stages of dispersal. One respondent helpfully set the issue in context by noting that:

It is worth reflecting that in general terms the dispersal pattern for refugees has been determined by the location of void housing stock. This stock is generally within communities of multiple deprivation. This in turn has a radical effect on the communities, and the quality of life within them. Since affluent areas are rarely included in dispersal programs there is even less evidence available to compare the impact of race relations issues in different kinds of socio-economic areas.

Most respondents similarly linked the issues of poverty, community fragmentation (in Sighthill in particular), and lack of information/inaccurate information to the initial community response:

Sighthill is definitely a problem. It's an area which has been used over the years by the Council for Kosovan refugees, foreign students etc. so it was very mixed anyway and not really much of a 'community'. There were 600 voids before asylum seekers started moving in. So there needed to be lots of community relations work done.

There was a lot of resentment due to the perception that asylum seekers were queue jumping, getting better flats and new white goods whilst outstanding repairs amongst the locals were mounting. So in the beginning the community was hostile to the asylum seekers fanned by negative press reporting. There is always underlying tension and there is a small group of hard-core offenders who had been committing racist crime before the asylum seekers came to Sighthill. But the vast majority believes in live and let live. Many people don't know the real reasons why families are here, they don't know the horrific stories.

This raises the question of how dispersal to these areas was managed and what measures were taken both to address the issues of poverty and lack of information/misinformation. Some respondents felt that Glasgow had lacked an overall strategy for information provision. While meetings between council representatives and community groups seemed to have taken place in most areas, it was felt that where this had been done systematically, with the local community being made aware in advance of the arrival of asylum seekers, this had considerably reduced friction. In one area of the Southside, for example,

Where the local people welcomed the asylum seekers this was because they had been well informed before the asylum seekers came here. We had conducted several public meetings to inform the locals of exactly what the asylum seekers would receive in terms of services. We also had meetings to discuss the conditions that the asylum seekers had fled in their own countries, therefore when the asylum seekers got here the locals formed a welcoming committee to present the asylum seekers with clothing, packages, etc.

There was appreciation of the fact that areas such as Edinburgh and West Dunbartonshire appeared to have learned from Glasgow's experience and adopted intensive community development approaches (though, of course, these approaches have still to be tested in practice).

Most service providers nevertheless felt that as more accurate information had been provided and as the community began to organise itself against negative perceptions, the situation had begun to change:

At first it was watch this space. The local community were watching and waiting. There was a nosiness. This is a deprived area and there was new furniture and white goods going into these flats. It has all been about re-educating people, discussing the project and through this there has been more acceptance.

In the beginning there was a lot of economic jealousy. But in the long run the bad publicity by the media had a good ending with the march to George Square by the local community consisting of both Scottish people and asylum seekers.

On the basis of the experience of the first two years, one service provider felt that the issue of community integration needed to be more consciously addressed:

As dispersal enters its third year there is an identified need, which is beginning to be addressed, which involves developing integration initiatives to tackle racism and xenophobia. It is important to ensure that, in all dispersal areas, community development formulations are used to introduce and support communities toward a greater understanding of multi-cultural living and the development of tolerance and inclusive communities.

3.7.1 Relations with local community

Clearly relations between service providers and local communities will vary widely, depending on the purpose of the organisation and its previous role in the area. One respondent helpfully set the issue in context:

On the whole we have a fairly good relationship with the community but we have had problems in Sighthill. There were many reasons for this. The housing in Sighthill was substandard and many of the local residents had been demanding repairs for a long time. When they saw trucks for Central Services and Blindcraft arriving to carry out refurbishment on the flats for asylum seekers they were rightly annoyed. This coupled with the fact that there was never a strong community, or neighbourhood tenant's association contributed to the problems in Sighthill.

This respondent also felt, however, that some of the key local authority agencies now had a good relationship with these communities. Another respondent saw the key as being to build up relationships with local youth:

We have been trying to build up relationships with the local youth because these are the ones that tend to cause problems for others. The critical factor is alcohol. We may speak to them during the day and they are in a positive frame of mind, displaying a good attitude but come the night-time, having consumed a few bottles, they are at their most intimidating especially in a group and pose the greatest threat to everyone.

Given the absence of significant minority ethnic communities in some of the areas to which asylum seekers were dispersed, not all of the minority ethnic organisations had had much previous contact with these areas and so had little relationship with them.

One organisation which was perceived to have strengthened its relationship with both the host community and the new community of asylum seekers was the church:

The church population has been in decline in this area - some members of the church live in the local community but most are not all that bothered - we seem to be moving into a post Christian era where the outside world couldn't care less. But since the asylum seekers arrived in Sighthill and all the work that has taken place since has made people realise the church is here. For some asylum seekers the church has been the only place they have been made welcome and found help.

3.7.2 Impact of media coverage.

There was near unanimity on the part of respondents that the media had played a particularly negative role in their coverage of asylum seeker issues, especially in the early stages of dispersal, and considerable anger was expressed by a number of respondents at the way in which the media were perceived as having made the situation worse:

The safety of the community is so important yet the press has been a constant bugbear… They created a climate of fear. They fuel people's opinions and put suggestions into empty heads.

The media whip everyone up into a frenzy. They rarely publish good news or positive stories. You can get frustrated when they publish articles without checking the factual content. We do a lot of positive work and that can set you back 6 months. It can also cause difficulties for asylum seekers. They've got a lot to answer for.

At the same time, it was felt that one effect of the media's negative and misleading reporting of asylum seeker issues had been to bring local people and asylum seekers together in a bid to set the record straight:

Coverage last year around Sighthill galvanised the community into stressing that they are not racist and contributed to them building proper bridges.

The end result has been a good one but that was because the community united together against the negative image of Sighthill put forward by the press.

I would say that the media had a negative impact in the beginning, although more of the good positive stories are now coming through now as a result of campaigning and media monitoring done by organisations like the Refugee Council and ourselves.

In addition, since the events in Sighthill during the spring and summer of 2001, almost half of the service providers involved in this study had developed a media strategy for responding to coverage of asylum seeker issues which touched on the role of their organisation. An example is the set of procedures put in place by Strathclyde Police for dealing with media enquiries which includes:

• Daily monitoring of incidents where asylum seekers and refugees are involved so that a response can be prepared
• Establishing close links with press officers from partner organisations so that joint responses to incidents can be considered
• Daily monitoring of media coverage so that trends can be identified
• Identification of police initiatives directly affecting areas where asylum seekers and refugees are located to take a pro-active approach towards publicising them

3.8 GENERAL VIEWS ON SERVICE PROVISION

There was a widely held view amongst service providers that services to asylum seekers had improved considerably over the past year in particular. Several respondents made the observation that Glasgow is now widely regarded as having the best practice within the UK, while others made the following positive comments:

The services have improved dramatically in the last year or so. The services have always been there but are much more available now. More information is available - this has expanded as dispersal has expanded.

I believe that the services have improved, however most asylum seekers are not aware that they are entitled to them.

3.8.1 Examples of Good Practice.

When asked to identify what they saw as examples of good practice with asylum seekers, respondents suggested the following (with comments reproduced in full):

General

Joint working ventures are the best examples of good practice.

The Welcome Pack.

Inter-agency work is the best example of good practice.

The Multi-Agency Project Team is good.

The interpreting services are now doing a really good job.

The work of Glasgow City Council in terms of how they have handled dispersal. They approached it very much from the asylum seeker' viewpoint. They provided excellent documentation and have been used as a model elsewhere in the country. Glasgow will be a model for the new areas.

Another example of good practice is the YMCA. They have struggled because of bad publicity and have been the focus of a campaign but they have also responded and tried to resolve the problems… Also, the Consortium does really good work.

Education

I would say that there are examples of good practice in every service sector, as each service has had to adapt to the increase in numbers. However, I think that education has succeeded in offering a very good service to children of primary school age.

Education has been the most successful.

Bilingual units in Education.

The schools. In this area the local children are well integrated. The headmaster is proud to have 'bilingual students'.

Our education department, they are on the ball. Bridging the Gap is fabulous, a great resource.

The beginner's language classes run here.

The education services are doing very good work with children.

Health

The Primary Health Care process regarding registration for GPs, and medical screening by questionnaire to build up a picture of asylum seekers' medical conditions.

The primary healthcare trust is doing fantastic work for asylum seekers without financial support from NASS.

The surgery at Fernbank Medical Centre.

Fernbank Medical Centre has done fabulous work with asylum seekers.

Springburn Health Centre.

[The mental health liaison] team and the group programme. The asylum support integration team because they have an education and a health liaison worker in the same premises. Individual examples of good practice are the mental health staff in Glasgow who are prepared to listen to trauma.

Crime/Police

The NE police division visited Sighthill recently having been impressed by the police in Glasgow. This was cited as an example of good practice in the Guardian and London Times, I think. Excellent integration.

Also, there's the use of interpreters on police patrols, going round with the officer. The fact that there's a specialist police officer with a degree of authority and nous. And also, 3rd party reporting (referrals to the police via other organisations).

Victim Support do very good work with asylum seekers.

Employment

The Bridges Project, run by the Institute for Contemporary Scotland.

Voluntary Sector

There are many voluntary groups who do very good work because they are not restricted by NASS contracts and rules.

There are many examples of good practice to be found in the voluntary sector and in local community groups.

There are many examples of good practice in the voluntary sector and in the community groups like the Mitchelhill project in Castlemilk.

The Scottish Refugee Council Housing Advice Service - providing advocacy for refugees with housing providers. Education Drop ins - offering specialist advice on accreditation of overseas qualifications, career guidance, employment assistance. SRC Status advisors offer a family reunion service, which is unique in Scotland - a service which reunites close family members following a positive decision on an asylum claim.

Community

Castlemilk community project has been very successful in encouraging integration.

The local residents prepared a welcome for the asylum seekers, which was very positive.

Glasgow Student Action for Refugees runs the weekly food co-op.

The Sighthill Festival.

Public meetings with interested parties involving housing, police, concierge etc. explaining their different roles and raising awareness of issues.

These views are discussed in Chapter 8.

3.8.2 Problems in Service Provision.

When asked to identify problems in service provision, opinions varied widely. One respondent felt that

Dispersal works. We are able to provide people with what they need - good accommodation, education, social work, health. Any research that we've carried out shows that people are happy with what they receive. As we start to decentralise, that will lead to continuous improvement.

By contrast, another commented:

The list is endless: lack of funds, lack of cultural awareness and sensitivity, shortage of trained staff, community relations projects and lack of co-ordination between service providers.

Several respondents identified the issue of lack of funds as a problem:

Resources are limited. Many services have had to respond to demands by redirecting funds form their original remit.

There needs to be money made available for healthcare and pre-school provision.

Lack of capacity and long-term stability of projects due to short term funding.

Volunteers are burned out. There is lots of goodwill but there needs to be more resources.

Respondents also commented on problems arising from contact with NASS and the Immigration Service:

NASS has to be decentralised. Regional offices are underused. Similarly, the Immigration Office needs to be decentralised. We need to develop local support networks. There needs to be funding specified for asylum seekers made available to healthcare provisions. These resources are already stretched.

Wrong papers being sent out from the Home Office with the wrong information for instance not including dependants which affects the amount of money the asylum seeker receives…Not allowing asylum seekers to work while waiting for their claim to be assessed is demoralising…The unlawful detention of asylum seekers in prisons…Unlawful detention is an abuse of human rights.

There are big problems of unaccompanied children amongst asylum seekers. NASS information on children and families is often very poor.

Problems relating to the early stages of dispersal were identified by other respondents:

Glasgow is often regarded as having the best practice in the UK - but there's a lot more that we could do. There's no room for complacency - the contract will run for another 3 years. Reception is the weakest link.

Form filling, asylum seekers need more help with filling in forms. Befriending - what they need is a good friend who speaks English and can provide both morale support and practical help.

Another respondent emphasised the key role of the concierge in the process:

When they are first dispersed to the area, familiarisation is not good enough. They are not taken around the area. There is a lot of burden on the concierge systems who have had no training in race relations. Yet they could play a pivotal role in raising awareness of cultural issues. Inconsistency of role - some concierges are better than others and will contact the police if asked, others refuse.

3.8.3 Gaps in provision

As well as being asked to identify any problems in service provision, respondents were asked to identify any specific gaps in service provision. Once again, views differed widely:

There are gaps with regards to the indigenous population. Asylum seekers get better services than the existing, settled black minority ethnic population. Asylum seekers also benefit from more 'joined up working' than is the norm with services to other black/minority ethnic groups. In terms of specific services, the Children and Families area is rather stretched. Perhaps also day care for the elderly. But then maybe it's the same for everyone. Glasgow is generally under-resourced.

There are no major gaps.

By contrast:

Housing

Again the list is endless, housing, predominantly white led service providers which leads to cultural issues.

Education

Lack of pre-school education.

Access to higher education.

Community

The lack of community programmes which has led to the creation of ghettos in already deprived areas.

Building community relationships

Employment

Assistance with integration and access to education and employment for those gaining status.

Welfare rights and how to assist asylum seekers into employment What is important to asylum seekers is feeling safe in the community and gaining employment to be self-sufficient. They want to work, to be of use.

Translating and Interpreting

We also need more translated material in the criminal justice system - if we need to serve legal documents then these should be in the person's own language.

Interpreters

Other important letters from NASS should also be in the person's first language.

Advice

Lack of agencies involved in delivering accurate advice to asylum seekers.

Lack of legal advisors with knowledge of immigration law.

Social Work

Lack of services to work with particularly vulnerable groups i.e. single parents, victims of torture, young unaccompanied minors.

Social work and a befriending team…The biggest gap is a lack of a befriending agency - which should be a priority. People need friends and to plug into Scottish culture. They need an introduction to the culture and support while they try to get involved.

There is a great need for befriending. I read something recently that suggested mentoring asylum seekers and it was looking for volunteers in London, Manchester and Glasgow to provide up to 5 hours per month to mentor an asylum seeker.

Childcare provision and care for the housebound asylum seekers

On a more general note, one respondent commented that:

The whole thing is too thin - usually the quality is OK - it is the quantity that is lacking.

3.8.4 Improving services.

Specific suggestions for improving services included NASS decentralisation, better communication among agencies and more people and resources. Respondents called for an end to the problem of 'passing the buck'. It was also suggested that there was a need for more attention to people with special needs and the need for training and resources for statutory authorities and the voluntary sector so that they can develop their services to these groups was highlighted. Better pre-school provision and easier access to higher education, perhaps involving a fee waiver project for asylum seekers were also mentioned.

3.9 CONCLUDING POINTS

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