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LIQUOR LICENSING AND PUBLIC DISORDER: REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON THE IMPACT OF LICENSING AND OTHER CONTROLS / AUDIT OF LOCAL INITIATIVES
CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
2.1 This chapter reviews existing literature relating to the regulation and control, of alcohol sale and consumption, as a means of addressing alcohol-related crime and disorder.
REGULATION AND CONTROL OF ALCOHOL
2.2 Initiatives to control and regulate alcohol consumption have often focused upon legislative changes, the enforcement of these legislative changes and other controls.
2.3 Raistrick et al (1999) suggest that the current approach to licensing in the UK reflects the ambiguous position of alcohol, as a potential cause of harm, whilst linked to "leisure and pleasure". In terms of controlling the availability of alcohol through licensing regulation, on the one hand, measures to limit the availability of alcohol have been implemented (with a view to reducing the problems caused, "particularly disturbances of the peace"). On the other hand, however, there is also resistance to such measures (given the links to social activity), and a "constantly shifting balance between the two approaches".
2.4 There has, therefore, been considerable debate about whether the focus of action to address alcohol problems should be upon the population as a whole, or upon those groups and individuals who have problems with alcohol. This has been reflected in the debate relating to control and regulation issues, with some who suggest that these measures should be used to reduce per capita consumption, while others suggest that they should target specific drinking patterns or target groups.
2.5 The cost-effectiveness study commissioned for the Plan for Action noted that there is evidence from a review of policy strategies in other countries to suggest that:
"reducing alcohol consumption in the general population or in high risk populations are equally effective in preventing alcohol related problems".
2.6 The international literature review suggested that:
"in general, there is an identifiable trend away from efforts aimed solely at decreasing total population alcohol consumption, coupled with concentration on policies aimed at combating use among specific groups and in specific settings".
2.7 The Plan for Action has adopted an approach which recognises that there is a need to raise general awareness of alcohol, and to offer protection from some of the problematic consequences of alcohol misuse, while undertaking particular work with those who "misuse" alcohol.
2.8 It is clearly important to identify the most appropriate ways in which measures that focus upon the regulation and control of alcohol can contribute to addressing these goals, and this (as with other work to address alcohol problems) will be undertaken in the context of the following review.
INITIATIVES TO CONTROL LICENSING / AVAILABILITY OF ALCOHOL
2.9 Many of the initiatives described below relate to approaches which affect alcohol consumption generally.
2.10 The evidence report for the Plan for Action noted that controls on licensing can have an impact on general alcohol sales through:
- The regulation of hours
- The regulation of where alcohol can be sold
- The age at which alcohol can be bought
2.11 Changes in these areas can affect the availability (and potentially the consumption) of alcohol, thus being seen by many to have the potential to impact upon alcohol-related crime and disorder. Raistrick et al (1999) highlight "the prevention of crime, violence and public disorder" as one of the reasons for the use of regulatory measures 18 and point out that it remains important to examine the role of restricting availability in "minimising harm" and moderating
"specific patterns of drinking which are more commonly associated with adverse consequences".
Views, however, in relation to the relative emphasis on regulation and control vary, and there are some overall issues which should be recognised in exploring the effectiveness of licensing controls.
Licensing controls
2.12 Raistrick et al (1999) highlight the importance of recognising that:
"although availability has a broad impact on alcohol consumption and problems, it is widely accepted that the link is complex and that the consequences of increasing or relaxing controls are often difficult to predict."
This should be borne in mind when considering the evidence presented here.
2.13 In terms of the general availability of evidence of these measures, the cost-effectiveness study identified no studies of the costs of initiatives of this type, but reviewed evidence relating to their effectiveness and this, alongside other material, is summarised below.
2.14 The cost-effectiveness study found that there was generally unclear evidence, especially in the UK, about licensing controls and
"relatively few studies of licensing interventions".
2.15 Raistrick et al (1999) suggest that it is difficult to measure the impact of licensing law reform, because:
- The law is not a single measure, but a number of regulations / restrictions. Different reforms may be introduced together, with different purposes, making it difficult to identify the effect of distinct actions
- The law has a cultural dimension which is hard to measure. Different countries have different drinking cultures, making comparison difficult
- Where changes are made to legislation, enforcement varies.
- Indicators for measurement vary, with an existing overall lack of quality data
2.16 The cost-effectiveness study also noted (and this should be borne in mind throughout the literature review) that caution is required in the interpretation of these findings. This caution can relate both to the limitations of some of the data and to the fact that, where studies have been conducted outwith the UK, they may be less directly applicable to UK policy and legislation. Against this background, however, the findings which were available are considered below.
Licensing hours
2.17 One of the key areas in which there is the opportunity for licensing regulation and control is in relation to licensing hours. Raistrick et al (1999) note that the trend since the 1960s has been towards the relaxation of licensing legislation in Scotland, with many of the recommendations of the Clayson Committee (SHHD, 1973) having been incorporated into the Licensing (Scotland) Act 1976. Included within these reforms were the introduction of extended opening hours and the permission of all day opening. This has not been the case in all countries, however. The international literature review noted, for example, that some countries have attempted to restrict the hours during which the sale of alcohol is permitted (with Italy, Germany and Portugal, for example, imposing such restrictions during the 1990s).
2.18 In terms of the impact of measures to regulate licensing hours, the cost-effectiveness study reported that some studies (from other countries):
"have suggested that longer licensing hours increase alcohol related problems".
2.19 The international literature review also notes that, although having little effect on total consumption, some studies suggest a link between licensing hours and problems. In addition, Edwards et al (1994) pointed to evidence from other countries which suggested that longer hours during which alcohol could be sold had led to increased problems. Conversely, it has been suggested that shorter hours can lead to a reduction in these problems.
2.20 Raistrick et al (1999) cite studies by Olsson and Wikstrom (1982), and Nordlund (1985), which suggest that there is a direct link between licensing hours and problems. They concluded that:
"this suggests that in some circumstances variations in hours can have a direct impact on alcohol problems".
2.21 Although some have suggested that the 24 hour sale of alcohol may reduce alcohol-related harm, the international literature review noted that there is evidence from, for example, Australia, to suggest that 24-hour licensing can increase local alcohol-related harm and adverse effects. For example, the review noted that:
"past increases in hours of alcohol sales in Michigan, Perth, New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania, Brisbane, Finland and Sweden have been shown to result in increases in road deaths and injuries and/or violence".
2.22 Smith (1989) also commented specifically upon the results of Australian studies which examined changes to days and hours of sale of alcoholic beverages. He noted that, following the introduction of Sunday alcohol sales in Perth, there was a 64% increase in the number of people killed on Sundays. In Brisbane, where an 11.00 a.m. Sunday session was introduced, the number of property damage incidents between noon and 1.59 p.m. increased by 53%. There was also an annual increase of 85% in property damage accidents for the two hour period after a 4.00pm - 6.00pm session. Smith also reported evidence of increases in casualty accidents following the extension of hours of sale of alcoholic beverages.
2.23 Many of the UK studies have focused on the impact of licensing hours upon a range of alcohol-related problems, rather than specifically upon crime and disorder. The evaluation of the licensing changes in Scotland carried out by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys (1986), for example, did not identify the impact of the changes on actual harm. Clayson (1984) however, compared Scotland to England and Wales, and found a relative decline in alcohol-related violent crime, drunk driving and drunkenness, although the methodology of the study was challenged (Saunders, 1985), with the suggestion that factors other than the licensing changes may have affected these outcomes.
2.24 A report in 1992 for the Portman Group (Marsh and Fox Kibby, 1992) suggested that:
"the Scottish material is neutral with regard to the impact of the various changes to permitted hours. While some areas have experienced increased problems, others have seen a decline in drink-related disorder".
The cost-effectiveness study also concluded that UK evidence in relation to the effect of relaxing licensing hours in general remains mixed.
Closing times
2.25 In relation to the linked, but more specific issue of closing times, Hope (1986) identified a clustering of violent incidents around closing time. Suggestions followed relating to the potential impact of staggered closing times, although Raistrick et al (1999) note that this:
"may simply disaggregate the problem".
They go on to note, however, that:
"even this might be an advantage from a policing point of view, if it improves the ability of law enforcement authorities to manage outbreaks of disorder".
2.26 A Home Office document 19 suggests that staggered closing times can create:
"a more relaxed drinking culture, by avoiding the perceived necessity to binge drink in advance of closing time, and to avoid the potential problems that can arise when a number of licensed premises send all their patrons onto the streets at the same time".
Deehan 20 (1999) noted that this could reduce the number of people on the streets at the same time, often seeking food and transport. Marsh and Fox Kibby (1992) also suggested that less restrictive licensing hours can lead to a decline in the rate of drinking, and people leaving licensed premises in smaller groups.
2.27 Raistrick et al (1999) also noted that:
"there is some evidence to suggest that if selectively applied and carefully managed, such a strategy might have an impact on alcohol related disorder."
A study in Manchester (Lovatt, 1996) found a fall in city centre arrests and a decline in alcohol related incidents during an experimental period of staggered closing times.
2.28 Although there is a generally positive view of this measure in the literature, Raistrick et al (1999) nevertheless stress the importance of taking account of local circumstances when considering staggered closing times, as well as being aware of the likely impact of later closing times on the surrounding community.
Curfews
2.29 There have also been some experiments with the use of curfews, and a report prepared for the Portman Group report "Keeping the Peace" (St.John-Brookes, 1998) noted that an experiment was undertaken in Glasgow in 1993, where people were not allowed to enter or re-enter clubs after midnight. It was found that, by January 1994, there had been an overall reduction in some types of violence and disorder in the city centre area, and the report stated that:
"the police concluded that the curfew had had a significant impact on the maintenance of order on the city's streets".
2.30 The report noted that these benefits were maintained with the extension of the curfew in 1995 until 1am. (This issue is also explored in relation to local initiatives, and the hours have been extended further.)
Legal drinking age
2.31 There has also been some debate about whether or not there is a need to change the age at which young people are allowed to buy and drink alcohol on licensed premises. Views have been found to range from those who suggest that a reduction in age would address some of the problems of young people drinking in unsafe locations, to those who consider that there is a need to raise the age to a point where young people would be more aware of the dangers of alcohol misuse.
2.32 In terms of recent practice, the international literature review noted that, between 1994/95 and 1999, three European countries without an age limit introduced a higher age limit for buying alcohol, while two lowered this (Bulgaria and Ukraine). Some countries have different age limits for on and off sales, and some for different types of alcohol.
2.33 In terms of the impact of initiatives which have been tried elsewhere, the international literature review noted that some studies suggest that lowering age limits reduces the potential for drinking in unsafe and unsupervised places.
2.34 Evidence from Australia, however, suggests that there was a rise in male juvenile crime following the lowering of the drinking age to 18 in some states (Smith and Burvill, 1987). In addition, Smith (1989) cited two evaluation studies in 1987 which suggested that lowering the drinking age may affect juvenile crime, with the finding that in Queensland, South Australia and Tasmania, legislative changes to lower the drinking age increased male juvenile crime by 20-30%. Smith also noted that limited data for Western Australia provided similar results. A number of offence categories were found to be likely to be significantly increased and these included burglary, larceny of motor vehicles and drunkenness. He concluded, therefore, that:
"it does not seem unreasonable to suggest that raising the drinking age should lead to a reduction in male juvenile crime".
2.35 In terms of driving, specifically, the cost-effectiveness study noted that there is evidence from the US to suggest that:
"raising the legal drinking age to 21 has reduced alcohol related crashes and injuries".
2.36 Many US studies suggest significant reductions in crashes and fatalities, with a drop in alcohol related traffic deaths of 10-15% amongst young people. Martin (2001) notes that raising the minimum legal drinking age to 21 in the United States has not only reduced drinking and driving, but has
"probably reduced youth homicide rates as well".
2.37 The cost-effectiveness study also noted, however, that there remains a general lack of work in this area, with problems in measurement due to the levels of underage drinking.
Outlet density
2.38 The number and density of licensed premises may affect the sale of alcohol either through competition or through easing the purchase of alcohol. It has also been suggested that the granting of too many licenses in an area can affect the standards of such premises and can lead to competition in the form of some types of promotion which have been identified as causing concern. Raistrick et al (1999), for example, noted that there are potential knock on effects of the number of outlets on alcohol-related problems (such as reduced costs and promotions, and tolerance of activities such as drunkenness and under-age buying as premises compete for business.)
2.39 For these reasons, some have suggested the need to limit the availability and consumption of alcohol through control or restriction on the number of licenses of different types which are granted and control of "outlet density".
2.40 The evidence for the Plan for Action found differing views of the need for control of the number and types of license. There was evidence of some concern about the proliferation of licenses, new pubs, theme bars and "superpubs". It has also been suggested (for example, by some respondents to the consultation) that there should be consideration of the number of licensed premises in an area (perhaps in relation to the size of the population) before a license is granted.
2.41 In terms of evidence of the impact of outlet density upon alcohol related harm, the international literature review suggested that the weight of evidence points to a link between the number of outlets and problem levels, and that limitation may have an effect on alleviating problems. There is some evidence from the US (Gruenwald et al, 1993; Watts and Rabow, 1983) and from Finland (Osterberg, 1982) to suggest that there is a positive association between the number of outlets selling alcohol and overall consumption. In relation to crime and disorder specifically, Scribner et al (1995) suggested a link between the density of outlets and violence. A study in Norway (Norstrom, 2000) also suggested that increases in the number of public drinking places was associated with increases in criminal violence.
2.42 Martin (2001) suggested that studies focusing on alcohol availability have found that outlet density appears to have:
"negative consequences on communities at a neighbourhood level".
She reports data from Los Angeles County which has indicated that the rate of assaults was significantly associated with density of on and off-sale outlets, where a 1% increase in density was associated with a 0.62% increase in the rate of violent offences. She also reported a study in Newark which found that alcohol outlet densities were significantly related to the violent crime rate. Limited evidence from evaluation also suggests that lowering outlet density in "hotspots" will reduce alcohol-related offences.
2.43 The cost-effectiveness study suggested that UK evidence in relation to outlet density is mixed, although Raistrick et al (1999) state that:
"a concentration of outlets within a small area is often linked with disorder".
Types of outlet
2.44 It has also been suggested that the type of outlet may be an important factor in consideration of alcohol problems. The international literature review noted that Denmark, Latvia, Luxembourg, Portugal and Spain have placed new restrictions on the place of sale of alcohol during the 1990s. (During the same period, however, a number of other countries have removed some restrictions.)
2.45 In terms of the impact of outlet types, Wolfson et al (1996) suggested that, in the US, there are variations in how different types of outlet observe under age drinking laws. The cost-effectiveness study noted that US evidence suggested that:
"grocery stores were more prepared to sell to minors than other types of outlet. Factors associated with lower sales to minors included being part of a chain, membership of a trade association and having a high proportion of income from alcohol sales".
2.46 Raistrick et al (1999) also suggested that there is evidence that nightclubs and bars involve a higher level of risk of assault than restaurants or social clubs (Stockwell, 1992). Such factors have led to suggestions that there could be some control of the availability of alcohol through different types of outlet (e.g. supermarkets, grocers, petrol stations), although again views of this were mixed in the consultation findings.
Advertising controls, pricing and taxation
2.47 As noted earlier, these issues are outwith the remit of Scottish legislation, and are considered only briefly here However, they should also be noted in the context of controls which can be imposed upon the sale of alcohol.
Advertising
2.48 The evidence for the Plan for Action noted that, in the UK, there are currently voluntary controls on alcohol advertising and marketing through the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) and Independent Television Commission (ITC). The Portman Group also has a voluntary code.
2.49 Despite these controls, however, it is often suggested that there is a need for further control of alcohol advertising, and many responses to the written consultation, for example, suggested that regulation is not always effective. The types of controls which were suggested included, for example:
- Statutory controls
- An independent regulator
- A watershed for alcohol advertising
- A ban on (or more control of) advertising / sponsorship in sport
2.50 The international literature review reported that the Nordic countries have complete bans on alcohol advertising, although it is noted that France also has a ban on TV advertising and restrictions on other media. The review also noted that a number of countries have legal restrictions on all, or almost all, media in terms of alcohol advertising. Only 5 out of 39 countries in a study by Rehn et al (2001) require health warnings on advertisements, and the review suggested that research evidence relating to the impact and effectiveness of this approach is not well-developed. A total of 9 out of 27 countries in the same study (Rehn et al, 2001) had regulations affecting sponsorship of young people's leisure activities.
2.51 The main focus of studies on these issues has been upon the impact of bans on alcohol advertising, and such studies have found some effects of bans upon some aspects of consumption (although not necessarily linked directly to crime and disorder). The cost-effectiveness report noted, however, that it may be more likely that countries which already have a low level of consumption will ban alcohol advertising. The alcohol producers' submission to a SACAM expert seminar also pointed to evidence from Sweden which showed that alcohol consumption had remained steady following a ban on advertising.
2.52 Overall, in terms of advertising, the cost-effectiveness study concluded that:
"studies of advertising and alcohol consumption over time have failed to find a significant association".
For young people, however, there was a:
"small but significant association between exposure to and awareness of advertising and drinking beliefs and behaviours"
Pricing / Taxation
2.53 Raistrick et al (1999) have suggested that changes to pricing have an impact on the level of alcohol consumption. In terms of taxation, the cost-effectiveness study noted that:
"there is good and consistent evidence that fiscal policy (taxation) is effective in reducing total alcohol consumption, although estimates of the size of the effect are variable … evidence suggests that the alcohol consumption of the heaviest 10% of drinkers is not responsive to price increases but problem drinkers below this level do respond. The evidence relating to under-age and youth drinking is unclear."
2.54 The international literature review also noted that research demonstrates that, when other variables are unchanged, a decrease in alcohol price leads to an increase in consumption. It has also been recognised, however, that the "costs" of increasing prices fall upon all of those who use alcohol and upon the alcohol industry.
2.55 There remain gaps in information about the effect of pricing on sub groups such as young people. This was raised by Raistrick et al (1999) and was reiterated in the cost-effectiveness study, which noted that:
"the evidence relating to under-age and youth drinking is unclear".
Edwards et al (1994) also noted the importance of other influences upon alcohol consumption and the need to consider economic measures in their overall context.
2.56 Again, it should be borne in mind that these studies did not comment specifically on the impact of these initiatives upon alcohol-related crime and disorder, but upon the level of consumption of alcohol. Given the perceived links between the level of consumption and crime and disorder, however, this material is clearly relevant to the consideration of these issues.
2.57 One paper was identified (Markowitz, 2000) which did examine the specific relationship between the price of alcoholic beverages and the actual incidence of criminal violence, using data from around 50,000 respondents in 16 countries. Markowitz concluded that, where the data could be considered reliable, the results indicated that higher prices for alcoholic beverages led to lower incidents of all three types of violent crime explored (robbery, assault and sexual assault).
2.58 Generally, however, there was a lack of evidence in relation to the direct impact of pricing upon alcohol-related crime and disorder.
REGULATION OF CONSUMPTION, INITIATIVES FOR SPECIFIC GROUPS OR CRIMES AND ENFORCEMENT OF EXISTING LAW
2.59 The second type of initiatives identified included those which have aimed either to regulate the availability and consumption of alcohol to address issues for particular groups, to tackle specific crimes or forms of behaviour, or to enforce the existing law in a particular geographical area.
2.60 The evidence report for the Plan for Action highlighted a focus on the need for such law enforcement, and there is evidence of developments in other jurisdictions of new initiatives which have targeted specific crimes and behaviour.
Targeting groups or areas
2.61 Some initiatives relating to regulation and control have focused upon enforcement initiatives which target the availability of alcohol to specific groups or within geographical areas. This often involves a period of intensive input, involving law enforcement and high profile policing.
2.62 There has, for example, been a growing concern over alcohol consumption by young people (which was reflected in the evidence for the Plan for Action), and this has been the focus of a number of initiatives. Deehan (1999) noted that the peak age for arrest for drunkenness (at that time) was 18 and suggested that drunkenness was not uncommon amongst young people, with links to criminal activity and public nuisance.
2.63 There are also concerns with other patterns of drinking and with the identification of "hotspots" where there may be particular problems. Initiatives to address these issues have taken a number of forms.
Police operations
2.64 High profile policing in an area is seen to be one means of targeting a range of issues, including underage drinking. Jeffs and Saunders (1983) found that high profile policing and enforcement of the law relating to underage drinking was linked to a decrease in the rates of crime and the number of arrests. In that study, uniformed police visited all licensed premises in pairs, 2-3 times per week, and checked for drunk and under age patrons. A reduction in public order offences of 20% was reported.
2.65 Grube et al (1997) pointed to work in California which found that, in experimental sites where there were interventions relating to the enforcement of underage sales laws, responsible server training and media advocacy, sales to apparent minors were "significantly reduced". These interventions involved increased enforcement by police (including the use of warning letters and decoy operations), training to off sales outlets, with the development of effective store policies, and the development of community support through the use of the local media.
2.66 Willner et al (2000), also carried out a study using pairs of 13 and 16 year old boys and girls attempting to purchase different types of alcohol before and after a police intervention to address underage drinking (involving warning letters and visits to vendors). They found, however, that there was no evidence to suggest that the police intervention reduced sales to 16 year olds, with only a short lasting decrease for 13 year old girls (and an overall increase in sales to this age group). They also found that only two vendors believed that there would be adverse consequences for them if they sold alcohol to minors.
2.67 There have also been initiatives in some English cities where police forces have gathered evidence, through undercover methods, to identify retailers which were breaking the law (e.g. through test purchasing). There is little evaluation material available relating to the success to this work, although one of the responses to the written consultation suggested that:
"following the introduction of test purchasing in England and Wales, a brief comparison was made of the total number of criminal proceedings taken against shopkeepers for such an offence for the twelve months prior to the introduction of test purchasing and the twelve months after it. The results demonstrated that the policy shift had no material effect in reducing the problem".
2.68 Although no reference was provided for these findings, not all studies of intensive policing have reported positive results in reducing crime. Also, there is currently little systematic evidence available in relation to other experimental work by police forces.
2.69 More generally, in terms of targeting other groups or outlets, Raistrick et al (1999) suggested that there is some "circumstantial evidence" to suggest that some outlets are harder to police than others (with off-licenses and clubs cited as examples). The cost-effectiveness study identified that Raistrick et al (1999) noted that general high profile policing around licensed premises is associated with a reduction in crime rates.
2.70 Purser (1997) reported on an experiment to tackle under age drinking and other problems in the Coventry city centre area which involved enforcement of local licensing laws, increased visits from magistrates and other developments. It was identified that, although there was no ongoing data collection, crime and fear of crime appeared to have been reduced. Deehan (1999) also noted the findings of a "Torbay Enforcement Study" where the police visited pubs and clubs, as well as running an arrest project which involved asking those arrested where they had been drinking. The study found a reduction in recorded crime of 16%, with a particularly high reduction in alcohol-related crime.
Community enforcement programmes
2.71 Raistrick et al (1999) suggested that the community has a vital role in addressing alcohol problems, and can have a role in controlling availability of alcohol. In the UK, some areas in England have established multi-agency groups to help to enforce the law. Little evaluation evidence from these initiatives could, however, be identified.
2.72 The cost-effectiveness study reported that there is some limited US evidence to support community enforcement programmes. It was noted that an initiative was undertaken ("Communities Mobilizing for Change on Alcohol") where communities developed their own initiatives to address under age drinking. A number of different activities were carried out in different communities, including restrictions on sales. It was found that, over two years later, the likelihood of alcohol sales to minors was lower, and that there were more frequent checks made of alcohol outlets.
2.73 Hauritz et al (1998) looked at community-based safety action projects designed to reduce violence and disorder in licensed premises, in city entertainment areas, in three areas in Australia. These projects involved monitoring and persuasion through the local community, and self-regulation by licensees. The study found that there was a decline of 56% in all aggressive and violent incidents. There was also a decline of at least 75% in physical assaults (although they noted that it was impossible to draw conclusions about direct causality).
2.74 Other work also supports this approach, and Hauritz et al (1998) pointed to work in Victoria where a code of practice for self-regulation, combined with entry and exit controls to prevent pub-hopping, had been linked to a reduction in serious assault rates. Similarly, they noted that the evaluation of the "Surfers Paradise Safety Action Project" in 1993 showed a clear initial impact of the project and a reduction in "practices that promote the irresponsible use of alcohol". There was also a decline in observed verbal abuse (by 82%), in arguments (by 68%) and physical assaults (by 52%). Street incidents also showed a general decline. Police statistics also showed a decline in assaults, indecent acts, stealing, and drunk and disorderly incidents. The need to continue to ensure compliance with the Code in the longer term was, however, also noted.
2.75 Stockwell (2001) also reported the development of "alcohol accords" during the 1990s in Australia, involving partnership working to create a safer environment. Codes of practice were drawn up and signed by licensees (for example, to limit high risk promotional and sales practices). Training was also provided, and a halving of violent incidents was reported within the first six months (although this was not sustained over a two year period). Stockwell, however, concluded that voluntary regulation was not sufficient without more formal changes to regulation and law.
2.76 Treno and Holder (1997) in the United States reported on a five year project involving community mobilisation and responsible serving, as well as limitations on access to alcohol. Amongst other findings, they noted a reduction in underage sales and in alcohol-involved traffic crashes.
2.77 Lewis et al (1996) evaluated the effects of a community-based substance misuse coalition's efforts to reduce the sale of alcohol and tobacco products to minors. Adults and minors visited supermarkets, convenience stores and liquor stores, and issued "citations" and "commendations" depending on whether stores agreed or refused to sell. They found a marked decrease (83% to 33%) in sales to minors in those stores where there was "citizens' surveillance".
Proof of age
2.78 The Portman Group has had a Proof of Age scheme since 1990, through which people over the age of 18 can get identity cards (although the use of this is not comprehensive), and there are also local schemes. The evidence which underpinned the Plan for Action identified support for a national proof of age scheme, and Raistrick et al (1999) suggested that this could assist law enforcement by making it easier for licensees to identify ages of potential customers. The Portman Group report "Keeping the Peace" (1998) also noted that schemes can have a deterrent effect and assist licensees.
Intoxicated drinkers / server laws
2.79 Although it is an offence to serve someone who is drunk, it has been suggested that this rarely results in prosecution. It has been suggested, however, that the enforcement of the law in this area can also help to reduce alcohol related crime and disorder. The Home Office recognised this in their Action Plan 21, stating that:
"responsible serving practices are critical to the effort to reduce alcohol-related crime [and] disorder".
2.80 A pilot scheme in Michigan was undertaken to enforce the laws relating to serving alcohol, by forbidding serving intoxicated drinkers. A cost-benefit analysis was carried out by Levy and Miller (1995) and reported in the cost-effectiveness study. Data relating to "fatal and non-fatal injuries as a consequence of drinking" were collected before and after the programme, and cost savings identified.
Information gathering and dissemination
2.81 A further element of law enforcement is the collection and dissemination of information relating to perpetrators of alcohol-related crime and disorder. This includes both the development of specific schemes and more general surveillance.
Pubwatch / clubwatch / shopwatch schemes
2.82 Information sharing schemes (often known as "Pubwatch", "Clubwatch" and "Shopwatch" schemes), which keep troublemakers out of pubs, clubs and shops, have been developed in many areas. These generally involve shared information to reduce access to licensed premises by people who are drunk or who are known to be "troublemakers". People who cause trouble may be banned from "watch" premises and their movement between premises monitored.
2.83 The Portman Group report "Keeping the Peace" (1998) suggested that these usually involve a communications network between licensees and police to provide warnings of potential trouble, with the suggestion that these can deter troublemakers and provide a drinking environment which is safer. The report suggested that the benefits to licensees are the reduction in risk of property damage and staff assaults (and, consequently, enhanced trade), while the benefits to the police are the reduction of disorder and the more effective deployment of their resources. In terms of the effectiveness of such provision, the Home Office (2000) suggested that:
"these schemes provide an effective measure for keeping troublemakers from licensed premises".
2.84 Deehan (1999) also noted that a Pubwatch scheme in Sheffield reported a fall in alcohol-related crime in its first year. The Portman Group report "Keeping the Peace" (St. John-Brookes, 1998) gave the example of an initiative undertaken through the formation of Bradford Inner City Licensees' Association, which involved banning people from all of the member premises and displaying "lists of shame" (alongside other work involving proof of age and staff training). It was suggested that there had been a decline in alcohol-related disorder of 80%. An example of work in York was also given, where all on-licenses were required to join a Pubwatch scheme as a condition of an on-license (along with other conditions, such as door registration). All of the work undertaken was seen to have had a significant role in reducing crime and disorder in the city, which was reported to have declined by 40% between 1993 -and 1997 (although details of types of crime were not provided).
2.85 The same report noted that an initiative called "Shop a Shop" was undertaken as part of the Strathclyde Police "Spotlight" initiative, which involved reporting unscrupulous traders. Police officers reported an apparent reduction in the number of young people with alcohol, as well as traders becoming more circumspect in their sales.
Identifying premises
2.86 The provision of information, has, in some cases, extended to the identification of licensed premises where trouble has taken place.
2.87 A project in Canada (reported by Deehan) involved asking everyone arrested for drink driving where they had had their last drink, and passing the names of the bars to the Licensing Board. This was linked to the provision of warnings (and potential suspension). In its early stages, there had been reductions in the number of arrests near to the named bars.
2.88 An example was identified (in Cardiff) of the publication of a league table of pubs and clubs where violent incidents had occurred (Shepherd, 1999). People attending the local Accident and Emergency Department were asked whether they had been drinking and where an assault had taken place, and a table was compiled, with figures being provided to the local newspaper every two months as well as being passed to the police. Shepherd concluded that:
"the test of the work of the CVPG is, of course, the impact on assaults. The number of people injured in assaults seen at the A and E department has fallen year on year since a peak of 3600 in 1993/4. Likewise, the venue at the top of the assaults league table … has seen fewer assaults every month since the table was introduced".
CCTV
2.89 It is outwith the remit of this report to review the effectiveness of CCTV in general, and there is considerable literature relating to this. It should be noted, however, that many towns have now developed CCTV, and it has been suggested that this can also have a deterrent effect in relation to alcohol-related crime and disorder, although it is better when used alongside other measures, such as Pubwatch schemes (e.g. St. John-Brookes, 1998").
2.90 The Portman Group report "Keeping the Peace" (St. John-Brookes, 1998) provides examples of successes in Ipswich and Burnley of the use of CCTV, with Burnley highlighted as using CCTV as part of an overall strategy to tackle alcohol-related disorder. CCTV was used along with Pubwatch, a registration scheme and work with young people, and it was noted that crime in the town centre (other than shoplifting) dropped by 48% between April 1995 and February 1996.
Exclusion orders
2.91 The same Portman Group report noted that exclusion orders can be used to prohibit people from entering licensed premises where they have been found guilty of violence or threatened violence on licensed premises. Although that report found the use of such a measure low in Scotland (with the availability of other measures to refuse service), it was suggested that a number of English locations had found this to be a useful tool in addressing disorder.
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