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Growing Support
Appendix 1: Patterns of attachment
It has been widely acknowledged that secure attachments provide protective experiences and promote social competence, resilience and good mental health. In this appendix we briefly discuss patterns of attachment. For the purposes of this review these are only discussed in relation to the 0-3 years age group, although there are consequences across the life span (Parkes and Stevenson-Hinde 1991; Howe 1997).
It should be noted that much of the theorising about attachment patterns is based on research carried out in limited circumstances - in relation to mothers and in controversial experimental situations (Burman 1994; Woodhead and Faulkner 2000). Nevertheless, the ideas have been found to have considerable applicability in understanding the development and behaviour of children growing up in vulnerable circumstances.
Secure patterns of attachment
A young child who is securely attached to a parent or carer tends to display a number of behaviours (Fahlberg 1994). These include:
- liking for physical proximity to the 'attachment figure(s)' and intimate interaction;
- distress when separated unexpectedly;
- feelings of comfort and relaxation on reunion or when upset; and
- freedom to explore in the presence of the attachment figure.
These features are often summed up by saying that an attachment figure acts as a 'secure base' for the child. Although Bowlby emphasised the primacy of secure attachment to a single adult (usually the mother), subsequent work has shown that young children typically have a small number of attachment figures, which may include two parents, siblings, grandparents and other people they see regularly (Hill 1987; Schaffer 1990).
Secure attachments generally promote protective and resilience factors and are associated with good mental health (Rutter and Rutter 1993; Howe 1995). Most research on secure attachments had focused on mothers, who are usually the people who have most contact with infants. Howe (1999:47) has indicated that mothers of secure infants demonstrate a number of similar characteristics and most of the time are sensitive, accepting, co-operative, available, accessible and dependable. In addition the mother-child relationship appears to be harmonious, with high levels of empathy displayed by the mother, which results in appropriate interactions that are reciprocated by the child, resulting in a rewarding relationship between the two. It is believed that this type of relationship allows the infant to explore their own world more freely as they are not constrained by constant emotional arousal that is often present in insecure patterns of attachment (Mains 1995, Crittenden 1992b). This type of relationship also allows the infant to develop the means to help them understand emotions, mental states, behaviours and interactional styles. This allows cognition and affect to develop together rather than in a state of conflict and confusion (Howe 1999), which leads to healthy psychosocial development. Goleman (1996) refers to this as emotional intelligence.
It has been suggested that strategies for managing anger are directly related to patterns of attachment. Those children with secure attachment are thought to experience less intense anger over a shorter duration than insecure children. This occurs as a result of the way in which mothers react to the child's expressions of anger. In secure children the mother will react quickly, which protects the child from over exposure to prolonged distress.
As a result of the mother's quick and sensitive responses particularly in times of angst, the child perceives others as emotionally available and dependable especially in times of distress. This in turn makes children feel lovable and worthwhile and, over time, allows them to view themselves and others in a positive manner. Secure attachment therefore allows children to develop high self-esteem and resilience in the face of adversity. Walden and Garber (1994:428) found that children aged 3-9 months showed positive emotionality when their parents were psychologically healthier, enjoyed stable relationships, interacted harmoniously with their baby and had higher levels of engagement.
Insecure patterns of attachment
Insecure attachments can be classified into three different patterns (Howe 1995; 1999), often referred to as avoidant, ambivalent and disorganised.
Avoidant, defended and dismissing patterns
This type of insecure attachment is characterised by a wariness of entering into close relationships. Intimacy is desired, but the children do not have confidence that it will be forthcoming. Consequently, people who behave in this way tend to detach themselves from others in order to feel secure and place a greater reliance on themselves rather than on other people.
Avoidant attachment patterns are associated with mothers or caregivers who are hostile towards the child and do not provide the child with the response and comfort that is required. When a child becomes anxious, distressed or upset their attachment behavioural systems are activated and they look for comfort from the carer and become increasingly more demanding and emotionally needy. The mother/caregiver copes with the distressed child by perceiving the behaviour as an attack or intrusion, so responds in a way that suits her needs, rather than the child's (Howe 1999). This results in her being less available and psychologically distant when the child's attachment needs are greatest.
Consequently, the child learns to minimise and restrict expression of emotions such as anger or upset, for fear of upsetting the mother/caregiver (Grossman 1993). When they interact with other carers or individuals outside the family or with other carer, the child tends to behave in a manner which is aimed to avoid hostile rejection but has not learnt how to elicit warm, caring relationships.
Ambivalent, dependent and pre-occupied patterns
Ambivalent attachment is usually characterised by low self-esteem and a tendency to become involved in complex emotional relationships. The child seeks intimacy and finds it hard to act autonomously, but is fearful that relationships will be lost or turn sour. He or she may well become 'clingy', reluctant to separate or act independently, yet the preoccupation to stay close may itself invoke rejection since other parties can feel overwhelmed by the demands (Fahlberg 1994; Howe 1999).
Ambivalent attachment is created when there is inconsistency in the way the caregiver responds to the needs of the child. Often the caregiver is under involved with the child and therefore fails to recognise signs of physical and psychological distress. Consequently, the child seeks ways in which to gain the attention of the mother/caregiver (Howe et al 1999:89). This is achieved through crying, shouting, clinging or similar behaviour. The mother sometimes responds with varying degrees of warmth and concern, but just as likely her response is passive and lacking in interest or attention to the child. The result of this pattern of attachment is that young children doubt their entitlement to love and care and so develop a low sense of their own worth or ability to command positive types of attention. Children displaying this pattern of insecure attachment are very demanding, with displays of anger and dependence, which can lead to exasperation and in extreme cases abuse by parents.
Disorganised, controlling and unresolved patterns
This pattern of attachment is characterised by its inconsistency. For much of the time, the child may appear securely attached or passively distant, but at times of stress become extremely fearful or angry. This in turn reflects experience of inconsistent parenting, which is by turns loving and hostile or rejecting. Children with these characteristics have parents who are abusive or have mental health problems or a drug or alcohol addiction. The children are deeply affected by the fact that the persons they are closest to and rely on for care are also the people who intermittently behave very negatively towards them.
The significance of different patterns
The research and theory on attachment help to identify the kinds of parent-child interaction which have negative effects. Therefore they can help inform parent preparation, education and support programmes aiming to prevent the kinds of parental behaviour which result in extreme forms of insecurity. Understanding of the different patterns can also help in devising different strategies to help children directly or to guide carers, when these negative patterns have already developed (see e.g. Downes, 1992; Fahlberg 1994; Howe 1996).
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