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Changing Speeding Behaviour in Scotland: An evaluation of the 'Foolsspeed' campaign
CHAPTER ONE: THE FOOLSSPEED CAMPAIGN
1.1 INTRODUCTION
'Foolsspeed' is a five-year campaign by the Scottish Road Safety Campaign designed to reduce the use of inappropriate and excessive speed on Scotland's roads. A major component of the campaign is a focused and structured mass media campaign underpinned by the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) (Ajzen 1988), a model which explains and predicts behaviour in terms of key psychological determinants. The TPB was used to shape a series of television advertisements, each designed to address a key determinant of behavioural intention according to the TPB: attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control. In November 1998 a series of six 10-second television advertisements introduced the campaign logo and key messages. These were accompanied by publicity materials and unpaid publicity activity to create widespread exposure to the campaign logo, thereby reinforcing the television advertising. The 2 nd phase of the campaign in 1999 comprised a 40-second television advertisement, "Mirror", designed to address attitudes regarding speeding and speed choice. The 3 rd phase of the campaign, in 2000, comprised a 40-second television advertisement, "Friends and Family", which was designed to address subjective norms in relation to speeding. A 4 th phase in 2001 featured a television advertisement, "Simon Says", designed to address the third main component of TPB, perceived behavioural control.
The campaign is targeted at the general driving population in Scotland. However, a key sub-group for the campaign is drivers with a known tendency to speed, particularly 25-44 year old males in social classes ABC1.
Foolsspeed was evaluated by the Centre for Social Marketing at the University of Strathclyde through a three-year longitudinal survey of a quota sample of drivers aged 17-54. The aims of the evaluation were threefold:
1. To assess awareness and recall of elements of the Foolsspeed campaign amongst the driving population
2. To examine drivers' response to the Foolsspeed advertising in terms of comprehension, identification, involvement and perceptions of key messages
3. To measure and compare drivers' reported behaviour, intentions, attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control in relation to urban speeding (i.e. speeding on a 30mph-limit road) at baseline and at subsequent stages to assess whether any changes occurred
A baseline survey was conducted in October 1998, and follow-up surveys were conducted in Spring 1999, Spring 2000 and Summer 2001. Each survey took measures of respondents' demographic and driving characteristics, speeding behaviour, and Theory of Planned Behaviour components, to enable a comparison to be made with the sample at baseline and to allow for assessment of any changes in attitudes, norms, intentions and behaviour over the period of the campaign. The three follow-up surveys also took measures of spontaneous and prompted recall of the Foolsspeed campaign, and examined detailed reactions to the three 40-second television advertisements.
1.2 THE CAUSES OF SPEEDING
Speeding is a major concern for all working in road safety. Most speeding offences recorded by the police in Scotland occur in built-up areas with 30mph speed limits (Buchanan & Partners 1996). Publicity and enforcement initiatives have, however, had only a limited impact on the driving population's speeding behaviour (SRSC 2001, System Three 1997).
A number of factors are associated with speeding. Being male, younger, having a non-manual job (i.e. higher social class), having a higher income, driving a more powerful car and doing a higher mileage have all been found to increase the likelihood of speeding (e.g. Manstead 1991, Buchanan & Partners 1996, Stradling 1999). In addition to demographic and driving characteristics, psychological factors such as beliefs, perceptions and values also contribute to speeding. Of all major driving offences, speeding tends to be perceived as one of the most socially acceptable and the one incurring least stigma if caught (e.g. Corbett 1991), suggesting that social norms play an important role in legitimising speeding as a normative, majority behaviour - 'most people do it' (eg. Stradling 1999). The tendency for drivers to have an illusory sense of control over their driving (i.e. to feel more in control than they actually are) is also a powerful contributor: speeders tend to have an overly positive view of their own driving skill and greater confidence in their ability to drive safely (e.g. McKenna 1991, Simon & Corbett 1991). Speeders tend to perceive the potentially adverse consequences of speeding, such as causing an accident or getting caught, both as less likely to occur and as less undesirable (e.g. Stradling 1999). Furthermore, they perceive more benefits in speeding, both at an instrumental level (getting somewhere quicker) and at an emotional level (the pleasure of going fast, testing one's skill as a driver) (Stradling 1999, Corbett 1991, Vogel & Rothengatter 1984).
The above findings have several implications for road safety. Clearly, deterrence and enforcement remain important measures for reducing the incidence of speeding. However, if the psychological mechanisms which motivate drivers to speed can be identified, then there is the potential to develop interventions which, by influencing those mechanisms, may lead to changes in speeding behaviour (Parker et al 1996). The Theory of Planned Behaviour, because it is concerned with predicting specific behaviours, provides a useful model for identifying and understanding these mechanisms. Previous applications of the model to speeding behaviour have shown that it is able to account for significant amounts of variance in intentions to speed (e.g. Parker et al 1992, Stradling & Parker 1996, Parker et al 1995) - that is, it is effective both in predicting speeding and in identifying the specific attitudinal and other factors which contribute to speeding. Although the potential of the TPB to assist in the design of behaviour change interventions, as well as in the prediction of behaviour, has been noted (e.g. Parker et al 1996), few studies have assessed the effectiveness of interventions based on the TPB. One such study attempted to assess the potential of short videos, based on the TPB, on drivers' attitudes towards speeding at 40mph in a residential area with a 30mph limit (Parker et al 1996). Results suggested that two of the four videos did have the potential to bring about significant desired changes in beliefs and/or attitudes, and provided encouraging support for an intervention strategy underpinned by the TPB.
The strategy of the Foolsspeed campaign was to use the Theory of Planned Behaviour model, together with insights from previous applications of the model, to design a media-based intervention which would influence speeding by targeting the psychological mechanisms known to be predictive of speeding. Furthermore, the intervention would specifically target male drivers and drivers in non-manual jobs, groups known to have a higher incidence of speeding.
1.3 THE THEORY OF PLANNED BEHAVIOUR
The Theory of Planned Behaviour is a framework or model for explaining and predicting the relationship between behaviour and its social cognitive determinants. It is an extension of Fishbein and Ajzen's (1975) Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA), which posits that the best determinant of a particular behaviour is behavioural intention. Intention is the decision to perform or not perform the behaviour, and is in turn predicted by attitude to the behaviour (whether the behaviour is seen as good or bad, enjoyable or unenjoyable), and subjective norms (perceptions of others' level of endorsement of the behaviour). Attitude is in turn predicted by beliefs about the potential consequences of performing the behaviour (e.g. 'it will save time', 'it will hurt others') weighted by evaluations of the desirability or undesirability of those consequences (eg. 'saving time would be a good/bad thing'). Similarly, subjective norms are in turn predicted by normative beliefs about whether particular people would approve of one performing the behaviour in question, weighted by motivation to comply with their views (Fishbein & Ajzen 1975, Conner & Sparks 1995).
The Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) is a later extension of the model which incorporates the concept of perceived behavioural control as an additional predictor of behaviour (Ajzen 1988). Perceived behavioural control (PBC) has been defined and operationalised in varying ways. Some applications of the TPB use a relatively simple measure of control (e.g. how easy it would be to perform or refrain from a particular behaviour), while others suggest that PBC is determined by two sets of factors, in this case beliefs about the control one would have over speeding in various circumstances, and the frequency with which one drives in those circumstances. Perceived behavioural control is thought to influence behaviour both directly and through behavioural intentions (see Figure 1.1 below).
Figure 1.1: The Theory of Planned Behaviour. Adapted from Conner & Sparks (1995)
The Theory of Planned Behaviour has been used to explain and predict a range of health and social behaviours, including smoking, drinking, contraceptive use, condom use, attendance for health screening, exercise, and breast/testicle self-examination (see Conner & Sparks 1995 for a useful review of the model's operationalisation and various applications). Food choice has been a major area of TPB-based study (e.g. Conner et al 2001, Gummeson et al 1997, Dennison & Shepherd 1995, Towler & Shepherd 1992). As noted in the previous section, the TPB has also been applied to aspects of driving behaviour, including speeding (e.g. Parker et al 1992, Stradling & Parker 1996, Parker et al 1995).
A number of potential refinements of and additions to the basic model have been proposed and tested in various studies. 'Moral norm', one's personal belief about whether a particular behaviour is right or wrong, has been found to increase the TPB's ability to predict driving violations (Stradling & Parker 1996) and cannabis use (Conner & McMillan 1999). 'Anticipated regret' concerns the possibility and extent to which one anticipates feeling regret after performing a particular behaviour, and has been found to improve prediction of providing care for parents (Rapaport & Orbell 2000) and of driving violations (Stradling & Parker 1996, Parker et al 1996). Moral norm and anticipated regret may be measured separately or combined to form 'personal norm'. 'Habit' is the extent to which one performs a behaviour out of habit, while 'self-identity' is the extent to which one likes to think of oneself as the sort of person who would perform a particular behaviour, such as recycling waste (Terry et al 1999). Again, both have been found to increase the model's predictive strength in some circumstances (e.g. Terry et al 1999, Conner & McMillan 1999, Stradling & Parker 1996, Dennison & Shepherd 1995).
Finally, it has been suggested that beliefs about the consequences of speeding include not only instrumental benefits and disadvantages (such as arriving quicker or causing an accident), but also emotional benefits and disadvantages; that is, feelings which might be experienced while speeding (Lawton et al 1997). A positive feeling might be pleasure in the sensation of speed, while a negative feeling might be anxiety that one looks foolish or inconsiderate to other road users. These beliefs have been termed 'positive affective beliefs' and 'negative affective beliefs' (e.g. Lawton et al 1997, Stradling & Parker 1996), and, like behavioural beliefs, are combined with their corresponding outcome evaluations to produce composite positive and negative affective belief variables.
In the Foolsspeed evaluation study, the TPB was operationalised using, where available and appropriate, standard measures used in other studies, to allow comparisons to be drawn with other research into driver behaviour. The additional components described in the preceding paragraph were also added, as it was felt that the study provided an opportunity not only to evaluate the Foolsspeed campaign's impact on TPB components but also to add to the wider field of study into the model's utility. Some analysis of the basic model's predictive utility is reported in this document (see Chapter 4). More detailed analysis will be reported in future publications.
The measures used to operationalise the TPB in the Foolsspeed study are described in more detail in Section 2.1 below, and are shown in full in the tables in Chapter 4.
1.4 THE FOOLSSPEED CAMPAIGN
In 1997 the SRSC established a driver behaviour strategy, the aim of which was to modify unsafe and undesirable driver behaviours to reduce the number of casualties on Scotland's roads (SRSC 2001). The strategy identified speeding, drink driving and drug driving as priority target behaviours. This led to the setting in place of a long-term plan to tackle the problem of speeding, with the aim of reducing the use of excessive speed (over the legal limit) and inappropriate speed (within the legal limit but inappropriate for the conditions) on Scotland's roads. The plan involved the co-ordination and development of existing initiatives addressing speeding, and the establishment of a national mass media campaign.
The national campaign aimed to reach the general driver population in Scotland, whilst particularly targeting male drivers aged 25-44 from professional classes. Although it was recognised that the worst speeding offenders tend to be in their twenties, it was felt that young drivers were being sufficiently targeted through other SRSC initiatives, therefore the new campaign would focus on a slightly older and wider age group. In addition, the campaign sought to target urban speeding because the majority of accidents occur on urban roads.
In January 1998 four design companies were briefed to devise a brand identity for the new campaign. The resulting slogans and logos were then evaluated by an independent market research company. The evaluation involved conducting a series of eight mixed and single sex focus groups with drivers aged 17-45 and representing all social classes. The Foolsspeed identity emerged as the strongest candidate, largely because it challenged drivers to think about their speeding behaviour, and the message was consistent with the brief to address the social determinants of speeding.
The campaign employed a variety of media, the primary channel being television supported by outdoor and ambient media such as, bus backs, petrol pump advertising, parking ticket advertising and vehicle decals. The initial phase of the campaign involved the development of six short 10-second television advertisements featuring the Foolsspeed logo. These were launched in November 1998 to establish the new campaign identity and to form a platform for the first full 40-second advertisement. The three 40-second advertisements that followed - "Mirror", "Friends and Family" and "Simon Says" - are described below, along with their links to the Theory of Planned Behaviour model underpinning the campaign. It was decided that all three advertisements would be stylistically similar and would eschew provocative and shocking treatments of speeding behaviour in favour of a low-key realistic style which would, it was hoped, be effective in encouraging driver identification and self-reflection. This was felt to be a particularly appropriate approach for challenging drivers' beliefs and norms (see previous section).
During development, each advertisement went through a phase of consumer research to evaluate its communication potential and to provide guidance on aspects of execution. The consumer research at each stage involved a series of eight single sex focus groups with drivers aged 25-44. The samples slightly over-represented male drivers and drivers from social classes ABC1, since these groups represented the campaign's core target audience, although women and social class C2DE respondents were also included. To maximise its value, the consumer research was conducted at the pre-production stage using storyboards and narrative tape to convey the intended advertising. All the focus groups took place in neutral venues across central Scotland and were recorded on audiotape for transcription and analysis. The research proved useful for guiding characterisation and storylines, and for optimising delivery of the intended messages. Detailed accounts of how this research helped to shape the advertising are presented in three separate reports, each relating to a particular advertisement (Stead & Eadie 1998, Stead & Eadie 2000, Stead & Eadie 2001).
The 1999 "Mirror" Advert: Attitudes
The first advert was designed to address the attitudes component of the Theory of Planned Behaviour. It sought to challenge the beliefs that speeding in town saves time, that a speeding driver is fully in control of the car, and that he or she is able to stop quickly in an emergency if necessary. Beliefs about inappropriate speed (as opposed to excessive) speeding were challenged by demonstrating that 30mph, although the legal speed limit may be too fast in certain circumstances. The advertisement also sought to challenge the more general belief 'I'm a better driver than most'.
The advertisement features a male driver in his 30's driving in an urban residential environment. The driver's conscience or alter ego appears in the rear-view mirror and points out the foolishness of urban speeding by noting that a car from which the driver previously raced away has caught up with him at the next set of traffic lights. As the driver nears a school, the conscience argues about the appropriateness of his speed, to which the driver retorts that he 'is a better driver than most' (the implication being that he can therefore handle speed safely). The driver's attention is momentarily distracted by a young woman walking along the pavement with a small child, and when he looks back at the road he is shocked to realise that the car in front has stopped at a school crossing. The driver comes to a noisy halt, and the conscience shakes his head in the mirror. The strapline reads 'Take a good look at yourself when you're driving'.
The 2000 "Friends and Family" Advert: Subjective Norms
The second advert, in Spring 2000, was designed to address the subjective norms component of the Theory of Planned Behaviour. This concerns drivers' perceptions of how much significant others in their lives would approve or disapprove of their speeding, combined with their level of motivation to drive in a way that would meet the approval of these significant others. The advertisement sought to highlight the possible mismatch between a driver's own view of his or her behaviour and how it is seen by passengers, and to illustrate to drivers the possible concern, irritation and anxiety that significant others may feel about their driving. The driver featured in the advertisement is again a male in his 30's, while the significant others are a female spouse/partner and a male friend/work colleague. A young child is also present in the advert, in a child seat in the back of the car.
The advertisement begins with the female partner, at home, describing how her partner becomes 'a different person, totally unrecognisable'. The family are then shown in the car, with the driver speeding and his partner protesting as the speed of the car jolts the young boy's neck. To herself, she wishes her partner could see things through her eyes. A male friend/colleague of the driver then addresses the camera, also expressing his disapproval of his friend's speeding. The two friends are shown in the car, with the driver again speeding. The friend spills juice down his sweater when the driver accelerates to race another car away from the lights, and expresses annoyance. The advertisement closes by showing the driver alone in the car, to the voice-over 'Put yourself in the passenger seat. If you don't, others won't'.
The 2001 "Simon Says" Advert: Perceived Behavioural Control
The third advertisement of the campaign was designed to address perceived behavioural control - that is, drivers' perceptions of how easy or difficult it is to increase their control over their speeding. This was possibly the most difficult of the TPB components to translate into advertising. The creative brief for the advertising postulated that the advertisement should seek to challenge drivers with the sentiment 'you're responsible for the way you drive', by depicting typical internal and external pressures which encourage drivers to speed and demonstrating that it is possible and desirable to withstand such pressures. Three different drivers and driving scenarios are depicted, illustrating the pressure of being in a flow of traffic going at 40mph in a 30mph limit, the pressure of being late for work, and the more direct pressure of an impatient driver (a 'white van man') behind. In the latter scenario, the driver nearly hits a cyclist as a result of being distracted and pressurised by the white van driver. The ad closes with the strapline 'Be your own man'.
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