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YOUNG PEOPLE AND CRIME IN SCOTLAND: FINDINGS FROM THE 2000 SCOTTISH CRIME SURVEY

CHAPTER FOUR: YOUNG PEOPLE AS OFFENDERS

Young people are often portrayed as offenders rather than victims, although, as this survey has found, this is not always the case. The forms of offending that young people get involved in also tend to be relatively minor ²⁷. Therefore, although the term 'offenders' is used here for ease of reference, it may not be entirely appropriate to describe the behaviour of these young people. To find out about the level of offending behaviour amongst the sample, respondents were asked whether they had committed any of the following anti-social acts since the last school holidays (summer 1999).

• travelled on a bus or train without paying or having paid too low a fare
• taken a bicycle with no intention of putting it back
• used force, threats or a weapon to steal money or something else from somebody
• stolen or ridden in a stolen car or on a stolen motorbike
• deliberately damaged property such as a phone box, a car, a window, a street light or bus shelter (without stealing anything)
• taken something from a shop without paying
• carried a knife or weapon for protection or in case needed in a fight
• bought or accepted things you thought were stolen
• been involved in a physical fight with someone outside your family
• stolen money or something else from home
• taken illegal drugs
• deliberately set fire or tried to set fire to somebody's property or a building (e.g. a school).

One third of respondents (34%) stated that they had committed at least one of the above acts since the last school holidays. Boys were slightly more likely (36%) than girls (32%) to have committed offences, and 14-15 year olds were slightly more likely (37%) than 12-13 year olds to have done so (31%). Though neither of these differences is statistically significant, boys aged 14-15 years were most likely to have committed offences (38%), while girls aged 12-13 years were least likely to have done so (27%).

While not strictly comparable with the 1993 and 1996 SCS because of a different offending recall period (previously 12 months as opposed to 'since the last school holidays'), it is interesting to examine changes in the proportion of offenders among respondents. Table 4.1 shows that the proportion of respondents stating that they have committed a recent offence has increased steadily since 1993.

Overall, offending has increased since both 1993 and 1996 ²⁸. Although male offending increased between 1993 and 2000 ²⁹, the proportion of female offenders has increased even more dramatically. The proportion of females reporting offences nearly doubled between 1993 and 2000 and rose by 8% between 1996 and 2000 (both increases are significant, though the latter only so at the 90% level). This change closes the gap in the prevalence of offending behaviour between girls and boys from 11% in 1993 to just 4% in 2000. When stratified by age, these increases have mostly been evident among younger teenagers, whose reported offending rose between both 1993 to 2000 and 1996 to 2000. An increase also occurred among older teenagers during the period 1993 to 2000.

Table 4.1: Respondents Committing at Least One Type of Offence by Year

Note: The 1993 and 1996 SCS used a different recall period of 12 months, compared to 'since the last school holidays' in 2000 SCS.

Table 4.2 confirms that the types of offences committed by young people were fairly minor. The most common offence admitted to was fighting, followed by travelling on public transport with an incorrect fare and vandalism. Only 1% of respondents (4% (n=6) of offenders) admitted committing five or more of the offences listed.

Table 4.2: Types of Offences Reported by Young People

Notes:
1. More than one response permitted.
2. Source: 2000 SCS (all Scotland, weighted data), Young Person's Self-Completion Questionnaire (n=135).

There is a highly significant relationship between offending and victimisation among young people. Two-thirds (65%) of those who had committed offences, compared with 41% of non-offenders, had also been a victim of at least one offence ³⁰. Almost half (45%) of victims, compared with 23% of non-victims, said that they had committed at least one offence. Although the small sample size does not allow more detailed analysis of these findings, the results suggest that lifestyle factors may increase young people's likelihood of both victimisation and offending.

YOUNG PEOPLE, OFFENDING AND LIFESTYLES

Much of the research into juvenile delinquency mentioned earlier has identified a number of factors as important predictors of the onset of offending behaviour among young people. These include a lack of parental control and supervision, association with an offending peer group and a lack of alternative activities available to young people ³¹. A range of questions in the young person's questionnaire explored these issues by asking respondents about their habitual behaviour.

The majority of young people in the survey (80%) reported going out in the evening at least once a week without their parents. Within this group, 16% said they went out every evening and 26% went out three or four evenings a week. Only a small proportion (6%) said that they never or almost never went out in the evening without parents. Predictably, there was a difference in responses according to age, with 87% of 14-15 year olds and 73% of 12-13 year olds going out at least once a week in the evening without their parents. When longer periods of time outwith parental control were analysed, young people from social classes D/E (49%) and C1/C2 (43%) were more likely than those in classes A and B (26%) to state that they spent at least 3 or 4 evenings a week out without parents.

The time of returning home when out in the evening without parents differed according to age ³². Twelve and thirteen year olds were more likely to report being home before 10pm at weekends (85%) than 14-15 year olds (42%). The most common response for both age groups when asked what time they got home when they had school the next day was between 8.30 and 10 pm (40% of 12-13 year olds and 68% of 14-15 year olds), although older respondents were more likely to return home after 10 pm.

Seventy six per cent said they came home at different times depending on the time of year. Younger people, victims and offenders were all more likely to say this. The majority of young people said their parents always or usually knew where they were going (86%) and who they were with (86%). Nine out of ten (91%) young people said they had never spent a night away from home without parents knowing where they were. Older respondents and those in social classes D/E (both 88%) were less likely to say this than their counterparts in the younger age group (94%) or in social classes A/B (95%)` ³³. If young people did stay out at night, most only did so for one night (75%).

Eight out of ten (82%) young people said that there was not enough to do near their home and over a quarter (28%) stated that they were 'often' or 'nearly always' bored. Females (32%) were more likely than males (24%) to say that they were bored ³⁴.

Only 6% (n=22) of the sample had ever been excluded from school. Boys (11%) were more likely to be excluded than girls (2%) ³⁵ as were those from social classes D and E (9%) compared to those in social classes A and B (2%). Of those who had been excluded, the most common duration of exclusion was one week (84%), however, 8% (n=2) were permanently excluded.

The majority of respondents (79%) said they had never played truant from school. The remainder were split between those who had missed more than one lesson (11%) and those who had been absent from school for one day or more (10%) as a result of truancy. Playing truant was more widespread among 14-15 year olds (31%) than 12-13 year olds (11%). There was also a difference between social classes; 29% of those from classes D and E had played truant compared to 14% from classes A and B.

Previous surveys have shown significant differences in lifestyle factors between young people who commit offences and those who do not. Young people who offend appeared to exhibit certain behaviour and lifestyle patterns, which could be viewed as anti-social, and are subject to a lower degree of parental control over their behaviour than non-offenders.

Those young people who had admitted to at least one of the listed offending behaviours were:

• more likely (53%) than non-offenders (37%) to spend at least three or four evenings a week away from home without their parents;
• more likely to return home later than 10pm during weekends or holidays (50%) than non-offenders (29%);
• more likely to return home later than 10pm on a school night (9%) than non-offenders (4%);
• less likely to state that their parents always or usually knew where they were going (79%) than non-offenders (89%);
• less likely, though not significantly, to state that their parent always or usually knew who they were with when out (83%) compared to non-offenders (88%);
• more likely to stay out overnight (15%) without their parents knowing where they were than non-offenders (6%);
• more likely to report boredom (34%) than non-offenders (24%);
• more likely than non-offenders to be excluded from school (12% compared to 4% respectively);
• more likely to play truant (35%) than non-offenders (14%).

Perhaps due to their close links with the offending group, victims also exhibited similar lifestyle characteristics to those discussed above, though the differences were often less pronounced and rarely significant.

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