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THE 2000 SCOTTISH CRIME SURVEY: OVERVIEW REPORT

Chapter 7 Public Reactions to Crime

As we have seen, results from the 2000 SCS show a drop in the levels of nearly all types of crime between 1999 and 1995. However, it is often said that fear of crime can be as much, if not more, of a problem as crime itself and that public anxiety about crime may be out of proportion to the actual risk of becoming a victim. This chapter examines public perceptions of crime, including concern about crime and responses to the threat of crime.

Perceptions of Crime

Crime as a National Problem

In order to gauge the extent to which people view crime as a serious problem in general, respondents were asked to rank a range of social problems in Scotland today, from 'extremely serious' or 'quite serious' or 'not very serious' to 'not a problem'. The results are shown in Figure 7.1 alongside those from the 1996 SCS.

Figure 7.1 Perceived Seriousness of Issues in Scotland Today
% of respondents describing issue as 'extremely serious'

Notes
1 Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2 Source: 1996 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), n = 5,045; 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), n = 5,059.

Twenty-eight per cent of people felt that crime was an 'extremely serious' problem in Scotland, a significantly smaller proportion than the 44% who felt this in 1996. People's perceptions of the national situation therefore appear to be consistent with the drop in crime reported to the SCS over the same period. Drug abuse was still perceived to be the most serious problem in Scotland today. However, the proportion describing unemployment as 'extremely serious' had dropped to almost half the level reported in 1996.

Crime as a local problem

Respondents who had lived in their locality for over two years were asked whether they thought the level of crime in their area had changed since two years ago. People appear to be more pessimistic about crime rates in their local area than they are about the national picture. Forty one percent of respondents felt that there was more crime in their area than two years previously (Table 7.1). Only 7% considered there was less crime, and 48% felt that the crime rate had not changed. (For further information on these responses see Appendix A7.1). As this question was asked for the first time in the 2000 SCS, it is not possible to compare this with the public's perception of crime trends in 1996. Compared with England and Wales, however, people in Scotland were less likely to believe that crime had fallen in their local area over the last two years (7% compared with 14%), possibly a reflection of the steeper fall in crime rates in England and Wales since 1995.

Table 7.1 Perceived Change in Crime Rate in Respondent's Area over Last Two Years

Notes:
1 Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2 Source: 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), respondents who have live in the area for at least 2 years, n = 4540.

More detail was obtained by asking how common different types of offences were in the local area (see Table 7.2). The offences most frequently reported as 'very' or 'fairly' common were damage to motor vehicles (44%), theft from motor vehicles (35%) and housebreaking (30%). These were the same crimes that were reported as most common in 1996.

Table 7.2 Perceptions of how Common Specific Crimes are in Local Area

Notes
1 Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2 Source: 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), Main B questionnaire, n = 2,542.

From Table 7.3 it can be seen that in 2000 the proportion of people who felt that damage to motor vehicles was 'very' or 'fairly' common (44%) was very similar in 1996 (43%). However for all the other types of crime the proportion who felt that crimes were 'very' or 'fairly' common has fallen, the biggest fall being for vehicles being stolen and people's homes being broken into. This concurs with the substantial drop between 1995 and 1999 in vehicle theft, and possibly also reflects the reduced number of housebreakings with entry in 1999 ( see Chapter 3). Interestingly, despite the overall increase in violence between 1995 and 1999, people generally perceived such crimes to be less common in their area in 2000. Again, this could be explained in part by the fact that there has been very little change between surveys in the overall percentage of the population affected by violent crime.

Table 7.3 Perceptions of how Common Specific Crimes are in Local Area in 1996 and 1999

Notes
1 Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2 Source: 1996 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland),Main B questionnaire, n=2,511; 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), Main B questionnaire, n = 2,542.

All types of offence were perceived to be more common by those living in public rented accommodation than those in private housing (rented or owned). This may reflect the fact that council/housing association tenants were the most likely to have suffered a motor vehicle crime in 1999. They were also, along with private renters, the most likely to have been a victim of housebreaking. For further information see Appendix A7.2.

The survey asked about signs of disorder, including evidence of neglect or disrespect to the neighbourhood and anti-social or disturbing behaviour. The percentage describing each sign of disorder as a 'very' or 'fairly' big problem is shown in Figure 7.2. As in 1996, people who have been drinking or taking drugs, and youths hanging around in the street were considered to be the most common problems. However, the proportion of respondents overall reporting any signs of disorder has fallen significantly since 1996.

Figure 7.2 Perceived Extent of Problem of Specific Signs of Disorder
% of respondents describing problem as 'very' or 'fairly' big

Notes

1. Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2. 'Noisy neighbours' and 'Racially motivated attacks' added in 2000.
3. Source: 1996 SCS (all Scotland, weighted data), Main B questionnaire, n = 2,511; 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), Main B questionnaire, n = 2,542.

The Likelihood of Victimisation

Respondents were asked how likely they thought it was that in the next twelve months they would have their home broken into or that they would become the victim of a crime involving violence.

Housebreaking

Seven per cent felt that it was very or fairly likely that their home would be broken into within the next year (see Table 7.4). As only 3.2% of the population was the victim of a housebreaking in 1999, this suggests that people tend to be slightly over-pessimistic about their likelihood of becoming a victim. There has been a slight decrease, from 9% in 1996, in the proportion who thought that it was very or fairly likely that their home would be broken into within the next year. This may be due in part to the falling number of successful housebreakings, and improved home security measures ( see Figure 7.5).

Those who had been a victim of housebreaking since the beginning of 1999 were more likely than others to believe that they would be victim of the same offence in the next year. People who believed housebreaking was common in their local area and those who knew someone else who had been a victim were more likely to think that they would be victimised (Table 7.4).

Table 7.4 Perceived Likelihood of Housebreaking

Notes:

1. Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2. Source: 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), Main B questionnaire, n = 2,542.

Violence

People were slightly less likely to believe that they were likely to become a victim of violence than housebreaking. This is rational, given that the actual risk of violence in 1999 (2.8%) was lower than that for housebreaking (3.2%). Five per cent felt that they were very or fairly likely to be a victim of crime involving violence in the next twelve months, a similar figure to that reported in 1996 (6%).

As with housebreaking, the perceived likelihood of becoming a victim of violence was related to how common such crimes were felt to be in the local area and whether the respondent knew someone who had been a victim of violence (Table 7.5).

Table 7.5 Perceived Likelihood of Becoming a Victim of Violence

Notes:

1. Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2. Source: 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), Main B questionnaire, n = 2,542.

The expectation of becoming a victim of violence was most common among young people. Fifteen per cent of men aged 16-24 and 10% of women in this age group believed they were very or fairly likely to become a victim of violence in the next year. This expectation reflects the higher prevalence of violence in this age group and indicates that perceptions are at least to some degree associated with actual levels of risk.

Public Anxiety about Crime

Respondents' anxiety about crime was gauged by asking whether they worried about themselves or others in their household becoming a victim of crime, and how much they worried about specific crimes. While perceived prevalence of crime is likely to influence responses, the issues of risk and impact are also involved.

The perceived risk can be a response to a combination of perceived prevalence of crime and the personal circumstances and lifestyle of the respondent. For example, someone who never goes out may feel at low risk of being assaulted and someone who lives in a house with few security measures may feel at high risk of housebreaking.

A further issue is that of impact. While sexual assault may be seen as a rare occurrence, people who see themselves someone who sees herself as a low risk may conceivably be very worried about becoming a victim of sexual assault due to the nature of the crime. Alternatively, someone who feels at high risk of becoming a victim of motor vehicle theft may be less worried, in part because insurance would mean the consequences would be minimal.

A question frequently used to gauge fear of crime is how safe people feel walking alone in their area after dark. However, in a more qualitative study, Shapland and Vagg (1988) ⁵ found that for some, this risk may not relate to crime. For example, the fear of dark itself can cause people, especially women, to feel unsafe.

Despite these reservations, responses to such questions provide some insight into the nature and prevalence of public anxiety about crime.

Feelings of Safety

Feelings of safety when walking alone after dark show marked differences by age and sex. Forty per cent of women felt 'a bit' or 'very' unsafe alone after dark compared with 14% of men. More people aged 65 or over (particularly women) feel unsafe than younger people (Figure 7.3). Further information is provided in Appendix A7.3.

Overall, people were less concerned about walking alone in their area after dark than in 1996, when 47% of women and 20% of men felt 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe. All age groups also felt safer walking alone after dark than in 1996, with the exception of women aged 16-24, for whom there had been little change (35% in 1996).

Figure 7.3 Percentage of Respondents Feeling 'Very' or 'a Bit' Unsafe When Walking Alone After Dark

Notes:

1. Non-responses were excluded from the analysis.
2. Source: 2000 SCS (weighted data, all Scotland), Main questionnaire, n = 5,059

Feelings of safety when alone in one's own home at night also varied according to sex. Ten per cent of women reported feeling 'very' or 'a bit' unsafe in this situation compared with 2% of men. These levels represent a slight reduction in levels of concern since 1996, when 11% of women and 4% of men reported feeling unsafe.

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