First Minister Alex Salmond
Playfair Lecture on 40th Anniversary of Europa Institute
Playfair Library, Edinburgh University
December 12, 2007
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This is an auspicious occasion. My visit today to the Europa Institute of Edinburgh University marks the end of your celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Rome Treaty, yet simultaneously also launches a celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the Institute itself.
This coincidence serves to remind us how quickly this University got off the mark in developing serious study and research into the politics, economics and law of the European Communities, even before the UK finally acceded to the Communities - as they still were called at that time.
I offer my warm congratulations to the University and the Institute, and in doing so I pay tribute to the particular contribution made by the late Professor John Mitchell as first and founding Director of the 'Centre for European Governmental Studies'. The new name 'Europa Institute' was adopted subsequently during the Directorship of Sir David Edward, who himself brought added lustre to the institute by proceeding from the Salvesen Chair here to become a judge, first of the then-new Court of First Instance and subsequently of the European Court of Justice where he served with great distinction until the end of 2003.
Scotland, and indeed the whole UK, have had real need of high quality scholarship research and teaching about the vitally important law, politics and economics of the European Union. This Institute has been in the forefront of delivering just that.
I pay tribute to the work of its current Directors, Professors Drew Scott and Jo Shaw, and thank them and Vice Principal Bruce for the welcome extended to me this evening.
I would like to use this lecture to set out my vision for Scotland in the European Union. Partly this is about the choices we already face as Europeans. But much more, it is about the role that Scotland could play in a future Europe; and how by acting independently in pursuit of Scotland's interests we can become a stronger nation - and even better partners in Europe.
7. I will first consider the multiple identities and roles that we have as Scots - and how they shape our values and interests. Second, I will discuss how an independent Scotland would engage with the European Union. Third, I will discuss some of the major policy goals that Scotland would have in Europe. And finally I will outline my thoughts on the future of the European Union - particularly on the current Reform Treaty.
The layers of Scottish identity
We Scots are proud Europeans. By history Scotland is - and by our ambition Scotland will remain - a European nation, a full member of the European Union. This is the starting point of our engagement with Europe. We will always play our full part and work to advance common European interests.
Of course, as well as being Europeans, we Scots have other important layers of identity. Each of us has ties to his or her place of birth, wherever that may be, and the part of Scotland where they live today. These local and regional ties matter to all of us. And by recognising the local and regional components to national identity in the new Reform Treaty, Europe has shown its regard for these associations too.
And we Scots derive a strong sense of identity from our nationhood. Scotland has always retained a unique culture and character - not defined in opposition to our neighbours, but by ourselves and our basic values. We Scots have made great contributions in the world of philosophy, economics, science and letters. We were the first country in the world to adopt free education for all. And our legal system is a unique hybrid of the civil and common law traditions.
As Scots our Celtic heritage ties us closely together. It binds us with our cousins in Northern Ireland, the Irish Republic and Wales. And with other Europeans lucky to blessed with good weather. We have Celtic cousins in Brittany, Galicia and Cornwall. Our is a heritage shared in a love of music and song, of poetry - and a special affinity with the sea and with nature. I spoke of these common cultural roots in June this year when, at the British-Irish Council, I addressed the Northern Ireland Assembly in Stormont. And I am very proud of the place they have in shaping the modern Scotland.
Notwithstanding our strong ties to our nation and our Celtic heritage, Scots have also for these past three hundred been part of a political union - the United Kingdom. Some of you may argue this is three hundred years too long. Others may disagree. But Scotland has played its full part in the Union - meeting our obligations and advancing the common good, without ever losing sight of our distinctive identity and values. And our destiny.
And going beyond Europe, Scotland has a global identity. We have always been internationalists, looking beyond our shores for ideas, influences and ways that we can enrich others. Scotland has deep ties of kinship and history with the Commonwealth. And the Scots Diaspora has a prominent place in the history of the United States, Canada and many nations. I am delighted that this year the internationalism and public spirit of the people of Scotland has been recognised with the award of the 2014 Commonwealth Games.
My contention is this. Scotland is a nation that has always combined many layers of identity, from the local to the global. Scottishness has always meant far more than a simple identity with nation. It is founded on cosmopolitanism, on decency, on humanity - on advancing ideas and common interests. This is the basis on which we consider our relationship with and our position in Europe. And this is why Scotland is at ease as we consider our future within the European Union.
An independent Scotlandin Europe
My government has stated its aim to convince the people of Scotland of the overall benefits of independence. Through our National Conversation the Scottish Government is supporting a broad and open debate about Scotland's future. We are asking the big questions about the government of Scotland, our plans in the EU and our plans in the world. I am increasingly optimistic that there will be a referendum on Scotland's future in the term of this parliament - and that the people of Scotland will vote for independence and equality.
Let us be clear: an independent Scotland has at its core an active and positive membership of the EU. In fact, the case for independence is greatly enhanced by the new opportunities that would be open to us.
Scotland would retain all of the advantages that we currently enjoy under UK membership. Chief amongst these is free access to the world's largest market: a single market which brings together half a billion people and over 20 million businesses across the 27 EU Member States. This single European market has enshrined the free movement of persons, goods, capital and services in its founding principles - and marries these freedoms with admirable levels of social and environmental protection.
An independent Scotland would be able to further enhance its economic position - its sources of comparative advantage - within this vast European market. This strategy of intense focus on sectors of comparative advantage has been successful for the small independent nations around us: Ireland with information technology and pharmaceuticals; Denmark with shipping and high technology agriculture; and Sweden and Finland with telecoms, timber and minerals. These neighbouring economies are much more dependent on trade than the larger European countries, which in turn gives them a greater stimulus to innovate and compete in the global economy.
And with the massive potential of our people, an independent Scotland would also be well placed to succeed in Europe. We have established strengths in financial services, food and drink and tourism. And it is certainly true that with our fair share of oil and gas resources, Scotland would immediately rise from Europe's tenth richest economy per capita to its third richest.
But let me say this: Scotland's long-term prosperity does not depend solely - or even predominantly - on oil and gas. It will also be based on our success in the other industries of the future - sectors such as renewable energy and the life sciences, where we are already a major European player.
That is why my government has set itself the target to raise Scotland's rate of sustainable economic growth - matching the UK level within four years and within a decade equalling the enviable growth performance of our small independent partners in the European Union.
I believe that this is within our grasp. An independent Scotland within the EU, armed with the necessary economic instruments - powers to vary business and personal taxation, set the level of government spending and full control of industrial policy - would be a dynamic force within Europe. We would indeed see a new Celtic Lion matching the remarkable success of our neighbours in Ireland.
Of course Scotland's support for the European Union goes beyond simply its economics. The Union has proved it value as a theatre for the peaceful development of co-operation among nations which have too often been drawn into mutually destructive wars. So we admire Europe immensely as a shared community of values and ideals, which in the past half century has brought unrivalled peace, stability and social justice to all its Member States.
And an independent Scotland within the EU would also retain the ability to shape Europe's role as one of the most powerful and positive actors on the world stage. This government strongly endorses the active and courageous role that the EU plays in global discussions on combating climate change, on advancing free trade and on promoting international development. As a Member State in its own right, Scotland would have a strong voice in setting the mandate and priorities of the European Commission on these vital global questions.
With independence Scotland would also have the freedom to shape our own relationships with our European neighbours. We tend to have thought in Scotland about Scottish representation in Europe as having the advantage of being able to prioritise defined Scottish interests. However, we should also consider the advantage of being free to support the initiatives of other countries and states within the Union. Would an independent Scotland, for example, not be more likely to be more favourable to the success of the euro or the development of an emerging European defence posture than has been the attitude previously from both parties at Westminster? Ireland has shown the way in terms of the reaction of other states to a country prepared to embrace key aspects of the European project.
So not only would an independent Scotland within Europe be at ease with ourselves and our partners at the table. We would be naturally suited to the aims and values of Europe itself - and with the responsibilities of being modern, compassionate, global Europeans.
Policy priorities for the European Union
Finally, of course, independence would empower us to advance Scotland's interests on each and every issue that matters to us.
No Member State, even the most passionately pro-European, is always fully in agreement with all the policies of the EU. And all make their voice heard on the issues that affect them most. This is how Europe should work. It is how an independent Scotland would act.
We have much in common with our neighbours in the UK, and common interests in many areas of EU policy. But Scotland's circumstances and our challenges are often different. We have a different economic structure and environment, distinctive culture and traditions and entirely separate judicial, health and education systems.
Since my government was elected, we have pushed hard to ensure that the UK negotiating line takes full account of Scotland's circumstances - and we will continue to do so. But we have no guarantee of success. Nor can we be sure that Scottish interests will not fall victim to trade-offs that the UK Government has to make at the Brussels negotiating table.
Independence would remove that uncertainty at a stroke.
Until then, this government will stand up for Scotland's vital European interests; whether we are negotiating in London, in Brussels or elsewhere.
Scotland has vital interests at stake in several areas of EU policy - notably energy, fisheries, agriculture, the EU budget and justice and home affairs. We have already publicly set out our aims clearly in each of these areas - and many others. But this evening I would like to focus in particular on two areas: energy policy and fisheries.
It will surprise none of you that I want to see Scotland at the heart of Europe's energy policy and future.
During the summer, I had a very valuable discussion with Commissioner Piebalgs. The Commissioner, I should note, is from Latvia. Latvia has around half the population of Scotland but since 2004 has been a full member of the EU and occupies one of the Commission's most important portfolios.
So much of Europe's energy potential is here in Scotland. With good management the North Sea Oil and Gas sector could be in production for the next 30 or 40 years. And our incredible onshore and offshore wind, wave and tidal power gives us a potential renewable resource of almost 60 GigaWatts, equivalent to three quarters of the entire electricity generating capacity across the UK and around ten times the capacity required to meet our peak demand for power.
My government is determined to harness Scotland's great potential in green energy. We've made the level of our ambition clear in setting a target of 50% renewable electricity generation for 2020.
If we're going to forge the energy revolution needed to meet the climate challenge, we will need other countries to show that level of ambition. So I very much welcome EU's new target - that 20% of energy consumption to come from renewable sources by 2020.
Unlike other governments - and we need not look too far for examples - the Scottish Government can be confident that our effort, policies and investment will put this nation on a path to achieve that.
I remain deeply disappointed that the UK Government let slip a golden opportunity for an exciting pilot scheme at Peterhead this year. But Scotland's potential, and expertise, is such that there are many other exciting initiatives in place or on the way.
Just last week Scottish Power announced a major study into the possibility of carbon capture under the Firth of Forth. And we have only recently approved plans to install the world's largest wave farm off the coast of Orkney.
The UK Government deserves recognition for the work it has done to establish London as the world centre for emissions trading. Now I want Scotland to be a global centre for cutting edge research and development of clean, green energy. So we will continue to make the case for the creation of an EU Renewable and Low Carbon Energy Research Centre in Aberdeen. And with energy policy remaining at the top of the EU agenda over the coming years, I am optimistic that we will succeed.
Now let me turn to the vexed issue of fishing and the Common Fisheries Policy.
Fishing continues to be of real importance to Scotland's economic prosperity - and Scotland's productive waters are a vital resource for the EU. We have the largest fishing zone of any EU country. Scottish vessels dominate the white fish landings for key North Sea stocks such as haddock and cod or indeed prawns - or Scottish langoustines as we must learn to call them.
But despite that, the current set-up simply doesn't work for Scotland. From the beginning, the Common Fisheries Policy, with its centralised, top down regulatory approach, and a slow and lumbering process of horse-trading for quotas, has been a failure in Europe and a disaster for Scotland.
Most damagingly it has deeply alienated the fishermen, the very people whose confidence we need to secure the long-term sustainability of the industry.
I'm far from alone in my criticisms. In 2003, the Royal Society of Edinburgh's independent review set out a number of recommendations for change. Indeed if my memory serves correctly, the same body recommended how the discussion on the constitution should prioritise the reclassification of fisheries, or the "conservation of marine resources", as a shared rather than an exclusive competence of the Union. And while it is not my practice to comment on documents that have not yet been published, the report prepared by Professors Sissenwine and Symes for the Commission is said to be sharply critical.
We are doing everything that we can to sustain our vital fishing resource. Indeed, I can say with confidence that we're leading the way in the EU, working with fishermen and conservation groups on measure like voluntary closures and independent on-board observers. And the latest total allowable catch agreement with Norway is the first tangible evidence that the industry's enormous and painful sacrifice to conserve stocks is working. The agreed 11 per cent increase in the cod quota, the first increase in a decade, is a significant step forward.
But there is only so much that we can do within the restrictions of the CFP, and within the current set up in the UK.
Scotland's fishermen need better representation. So we will press for Scotland to take the lead in negotiations on fisheries. It cannot be right that Scotland, with 68% of the UK catch, and the largest fishing zone of any single EU country, sits in the subsidiary position when decisions are being made. Indeed Scottish fishermen still remember with much bitterness the dramatic terminology released under the 30-year rule by an unnamed civil servant that in light of Britain's wider European interests they - the Scottish fishermen - "are expendable".
And we will continually make the case to the Commission that such a badly flawed policy must be subjected to root and branch critique and reform.
I accept and acknowledge that the Commission has made some moves in the right direction, with proposals to reduce the discarding of fish at sea, and to switch towards considering fisheries in the context of wider policies for the marine environment and the maritime sector.
But yet more radical redesigning is needed. So my government will make its voice heard loud and clear to ensure that when the current CFP ends in 2011, its replacement takes full account of Scotland's needs.
As part of that, we will establish an Expert Panel to develop new thinking on better management of Scotland's fisheries in Europe. The panel will combine the expertise and experience of those with first hand experience of fishing in Europe and beyond, with the insight of public figures with a track record in influencing strategic policies.
Above all, we must have a policy that returns competence over the conservation of marine resources to coastal states. We cannot accept another three decades of mismanagement of such a precious resource. Nor should we accept as Europeans that this most absurd and destructive policy stands as the single greatest obstacle preventing the accession to the European Union of the coastal nations of Norway and Iceland, respectively the second and fourth most prosperous countries in the world per head of population, and also among the first countries in history to adopt a form of representative government.
The future of Europe
All this, as many of you will be aware, has a knock-on effect on the Government's attitude to the current Reform Treaty.
With a union of 27 members running on a system designed for 15, there is an urgent and pressing need for institutional reform. The proposed treaty will bring many benefits - a more efficient decision making process, greater openness and democratic accountability and a stronger sense of direction.
And - importantly for Scotland - it will advance the principle of subsidiarity and the role of national parliaments in the legislative process.
We welcome those, and many other reforms.
However there is one provision in the draft Reform Treaty to which I and many others strongly object - just as I did when it first was proposed as part of the ill-fated Constitutional Treaty.
Quite simply, the Scottish Government cannot accept the Union's claim of exclusive competence over 'the conservation of marine biological resources under the Common Fisheries Policy'. It runs absolutely counter to the spirit of subsidiarity. And it would delay the urgent task of fundamental CFP reform.
The proposed wording of the Reform Treaty would entrench in primary law a proposition that has hitherto been a matter of judicial precedent in the interpretation of the UK Accession Treaty.
Some have argued that this provision merely confirms a position that is already enshrined in law. Even if this view were correct - and I do not agree that it is - a minor amendment to the Reform Treaty could still allow us to salvage matters and provide the necessary impetus to overhaul Europe's outdated fisheries policy.
We must all hope that when the Reform Treaty is signed tomorrow in Lisbon, the signatories are seized both by the strength of the argument and by the spirit of Christmas.
Our support for ratification of the Treaty will depend on the text that is finally agreed on the CFP. However, the issue of a UK-wide referendum stands for me on a different footing.
That brings me to my final point of the evening - the need for a UK-wide referendum on the Treaty.
To me, a referendum is a matter of public probity. When the Constitutional Treaty was alive, the Labour Party promised a referendum about it in the context of the General Election of 2005. So did the Scottish National Party.
There are some differences between the Constitutional Treaty and the Reform Treaty. But despite what many might argue, they are in truth, and in substance broadly the same. And the results they would bring about - for Member States and for the Union - would differ little. Thus, if we were committed to a referendum on the one, we must remain committed to it on the other.
My colleagues at Westminster have made clear that they will support any amendment that provides for a referendum in the process of ratification of the Reform Treaty. If no amendment is tabled, they will put forward one themselves.
That seems to me, I say again, to be a simple matter of public probity.
The people were promised a referendum. They should get one.
Conclusion
As I noted at the outset, the timing of this lecture is fortuitous, marking the end of the fiftieth anniversary of the European Communities - and the fortieth anniversary of the Europa Institute.
In less than two weeks a new Member State - Slovenia - will assume the Presidency of the European Union. On behalf of the Scottish Government I am glad to convey my best wishes to the Slovenian government for a successful Presidency.
I cannot be alone, however, in noting the irony that over the next six months Slovenia will chair and set the agenda for all meetings of the Council - while Scotland, a rich country and society, with more than twice the population, huge economic potential, and with vital interests at stake - is without a seat at the table.
This must change. And under this government - and with the support of the people of Scotland - it will change.
Scotland already benefits from its engagement with the European Union. And as committed and instinctive partners in Europe an independent Scotland could both gain and contribute so much more to the Union.
That is the ambition my government holds. It is an ambition that is emphatically in the national interest. And I believe it is the will of the community of the realm of Scotland.