First Minister Alex Salmond
National Conversation with Scotland's institutions
Edinburgh
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
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Good morning. First of all, I'd like to extend my sincere thanks to each of you for attending today and making your contribution to the debate on the future of our country.
Each of you are leaders in your fields - in education, from the trade unions, from churches and from business.
Together, you form part of the most representative and diverse spectrum of national leadership to have considered these questions in over a decade.
Your very attendance today illustrates how urgent, how real and how important it is that Scotland decides on its future.
In the immediate aftermath of devolution, as the new Parliament settled into the business of Government and restored a sense of accountability to decision making in our communities, there was an understandable sense that we should try to operate with the limited powers devolved from Westminster.
However, today there is broad acceptance across the entire political spectrum that what we have is not enough, that Scotland wants, needs and desires greater decision-making responsibility vested in our Parliament.
Every single test of opinion shows that Scots want more responsibility for their Parliament. Sometimes that message can be ambiguous. For example, while the most recent poll in the Sunday Times showed that only a quarter of Scots would support immediate independence, as many as two-thirds would support it under certain circumstances.
And let me also say that in the Scottish Parliament there is an outbreak of consensus on one thing at least - the current constitutional framework doesn't give Scotland the opportunities that we need to succeed.
The question is therefore not whether we should assume more powers in Edinburgh but what powers and within what timescale.
And in that same spirit let me also say that I am relaxed about the commission (or review, or working party!) set up by some of the other parties into the options for the future.
As they knew when they passed the motion in the Parliament, the Greens and the SNP Government were specifically excluded - as were any organisations or individuals who believe in Scottish independence.
On that basis, you might expect me to say that the working party will be of no use. But while the parties that set up the Commission have chosen to exclude the Scottish Government and those who favour independence, my government wants to include them in Scotland's national conversation.
If the other parties can agree on a proposal for enhanced devolution, that will help us to develop an alternative option for a referendum on Scotland's future.
And my advice to those here today is that we look forwards and not back. I will look seriously at whatever suggestions are made as part of the wider National Conversation.
With one exception.
To suggest, as the Prime Minister has done, that powers might be passed back to Westminster as part of a new arrangement is simply a non-starter.
There is no popular mandate whatsoever for such a diminution of Holyrood - in fact as every single opinion poll since devolution will confirm - the will of the Scottish people is for the repatriation of more powers and responsibilities here in Scotland.
The National Conversation
When this administration was elected on 3 May last year, it was a historic day for several reasons.
It marked the first change of political leadership since the creation of the Scottish Parliament.
It marked both the first minority administration - and the first SNP administration.
And it ushered in a new tone - one which is derived from a firm and unapologetic assertion of the primacy of Scottish interests.
As we saw just weeks later in elections in Wales and Northern Ireland, the people of Scotland were not alone in seeking change - in seeking a new ambition and a new future for their nation.
Our Celtic cousins in Wales and Northern Ireland also felt a new optimism - the possibility that they too could take greater control of their destiny.
That energy, that sense of possibility is the lifeblood of political change. It is the basis of lasting progress.
On taking office, the Scottish Government was conscious of its great responsibility to the people of Scotland.
And we are aware - as we will always be - of the sovereignty of our people. That the decisions on Scotland's future lie ultimately with those living and working in Scotland - and with no-one else.
I ask you all to remember today the Claim of Right, the foundation document to the Constitutional Convention. That document - drawn up twenty years ago - asserted the sovereign right of the Scottish people to determine the form of Government best suited to their needs. All opposition parties endorsed that Claim of Right.
One of its signatories was Gordon Brown. I have to believe that today, as Prime Minister, he remains just as committed to the sovereignty of the people of Scotland, as he was when Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister.
That sovereignty was encapsulated in the Scottish Parliament's establishment by a referendum. And while the Scottish Parliament is creature of Westminster in statutory terms, no sensible person would believe that it could now be abolished, having been endorsed by a referendum of the Scottish people.
It follows that pursuing substantive change, as opposed to tinkering, in the governance of Scotland would also require approval in a referendum.
I have already said as First Minister that I am happy to test support for enhanced devolution in a referendum, along with Independence.
And I say to those who oppose the restoration of Scottish independence that just as I respect absolutely their right to hold that view, so in return I feel able to require of them a clear alternative which can be put on a ballot paper and held up to public scrutiny.
I say that not as a nationalist, but as a democrat.
The people are sovereign.
The Scottish Parliament is their Parliament.
The right to choose of future for this country, is their right.
We might all have different opinions about the best constitutional choice for our nation, but as First Minister I today ask simply that those who oppose an independent Scottish Parliament assume also the responsibilities of constructive opposition.
This debate is bigger than all of us and bigger than any party. It goes to the heart of who we are and who we want to be.
A debate so fundamental and so important demands that the people of Scotland have their say in a referendum.
This is the context for the White Paper on Choosing Scotland's Future. We wanted to build an open forum for discussion with no question or answer precluded.
A debate led from the grassroots upwards - and not dominated by an élite in Edinburgh, and certainly not one in London.
I am delighted to tell you today that the first phase of the Conversation has been successful. There has been a tremendous public response. There have been events across the country, including debates at our universities, discussions among our voluntary organisations through the SCVO, and a summit on Trident.
Furthermore there has been extensive research and discussion with around a quarter of a million hits on the Scottish Government website.
This is a minority Government but even if it were not so, the nature of this debate demands that we listen to and are influenced by, the great civic institutions of Scottish society.
Having agreed on the necessity of constitutional change, the task that we now face - over the coming months - is to define the aims and the nature of that change.
And let me say, we should not regard this task as a burden to carry. Or another obligation to be discharged.
We should regard this - the chance to permanently shape the destiny of this nation - as the greatest honour and the greatest responsibility that this country can bestow on all of us.
This is our chance to lead, to build a better country for the next generation. We owe it to ourselves and to the people of Scotland to discharge that responsibility with ambition and with their interests at the core of all we do.
Why are Scotland's civic institutions centre stage?
I said at the outset that in this next phase of the National Conversation we want to accord a particular importance to the role of Scotland's civic institutions.
Our reasons for this may be obvious. But permit me to explain them nonetheless.
On a simple level, the institutions that you represent - the charities, the churches, the universities, business, the unions - are the main voice of Scottish society. You and your members help to shape opinions both within your organisations, and across the wider public.
In that sense - and also in the vital work that you do - you act as an important interlocutor between the government and the citizen.
But let us look deeper. Because it is not merely that your organisations speak with and serve Scottish society.
In a fundamental sense you are Scottish society - and have been so for many centuries.
Let us consider the defining contribution that your organisations have made to Scotland and its people during our history.
The first of our historic Scottish universities - St Andrew's Glasgow and Aberdeen - were created by Papal Bull in the fifteenth century.
Meanwhile Scotland's distinctive school system has prevailed since the 1496 Education Act. And exactly two hundred years later Scotland was the first nation on earth to introduce universal public education.
This is our single most important invention. It was the foundation of Scotland's intellectual and industrial flourishing in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
And in partnership with the churches, our educational system has helped to mould Scotland's deepest ethical traditions - of humanity, of compassion, of social justice, and an independence of mind.
Scotland's legal system is another special and vital set of institutions.
Even the Act of Union - a document that is not otherwise without its flaws! - recognises the full integrity and independence of Scotland's legal system.
And today Scotland's legal system and our unique legal code continue to support a strong and independent justice system that remains distinctly Scottish in its principles and traditions.
I have already highlighted the contribution of our churches to the content and character of Scottish education.
The moral and spiritual guidance of our churches and faith groups has always gone wider and deeper, defining the basic values of the Scottish people.
And let us never forget the huge role that Scotland's churches have always played in social provision, taking care of our poor and needy for centuries before the creation of the modern welfare state.
Consider the contribution of Scotland's trade unions, uniting and protecting workers and their families throughout Scotland's industrial development - whether in our factories, in coalmining, in shipbuilding and elsewhere.
Scotland's trade unions have remained at the heart of our communities since the Industrial Revolution, and even today the independent STUC and its members play a powerful role in promoting equality, justice and worker protection.
Each of the organisations that you represent has had - and will always have - a uniquely Scottish character, and defining role in Scottish society.
It is my view that Scotland's civic institutions - the organisations and the people that you represent and serve - enshrine and enrich the very fabric of Scotland.
And it is also my view - and the view of many across this country - that Scotland cannot consider the nation and the people we seek to be without according a powerful voice to you - the foundation stones of Scottish society.
So I encourage you to make sure that the voice of the people your represent becomes part of the national conversation on shaping our country's future. I expect you to comment, to criticise, to reflect and to propose.
Scotland is moving forward
We see day by day that this nation of Scotland is growing in confidence. The people of Scotland themselves expressed this optimism last May when they voted for a new administration with a new ambition.
And responding to this call, the Scottish Government is focusing the whole of our efforts on building Scottish success. We are hearing the views and hopes of people across our country and acting decisively to take our nation to a new level of success.
In November we published a new economic strategy and a budget for Scotland - reflecting our true economic ambition, and aimed to achieve our full potential - creating a Celtic Lion economy that is unrivalled in Europe.
And as an important step on this journey, in this transformation, the Government has secured the restoration of free education in Scotland. Because our shared aim must be to ensure that all of our people are able to make the very most of their talents and potential.
Finally, in accordance with our basic principles of trust and responsibility, we have forged a new partnership with local government across Scotland.
A new Concordat which gives new freedom to local authorities to set their priorities and set their budgets to deliver the services that their citizens demand.
We believe that responsibility should sit at the level which best allows policy to be developed to take full account of local needs and circumstances, and conducted in an atmosphere of mutual respect.
We have applied that principle in the concordat with local government. And we believe that this vital principle should apply equally in the relationship between the UK and Scotland.
These are things we have achieved within the limits of the current devolution settlement. I know we can do much more with new responsibilities.
Let me tell you, this new approach to the government of Scotland is not being played out in camera. People beyond our shores are taking note of the new ambition and confidence in our nation.
On my most recent visit to London I spoke about Scotland with media from across the globe - among others, the Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg, NTV Russia, Corriere della Sera of Italy and the Hokkaido Shimbun Press of Japan.
And our country's growing international standing also explains why, only last month, the Financial Times group awarded Scotland the title of Europe's region of the future.
Next week when I visit the United States to celebrate Scotland Week, I will tell our friends abroad about the new mood and the new ambition in Scotland.
About the development of our national conversation.
About our aspirations to become a rich economy and a rich society.
And about the broad social coalition that we are building. A new and enduring social partnership in Scotland to match those that have supported the nations in the Arc of Prosperity - Ireland, Iceland, Denmark, Norway and Finland.
A partnership that will be the basis of our future success.
Taking forward the National Conversation
It is entirely right that the people of Scotland will ultimately decide the future of this nation, and that they will have the final word on the new constitutional settlement.
But this is a debate where Scotland's civic institutions can and must play a vital role - in defining the choices and the challenge that we face as a society.
All of you gathered here today have ambitions for Scotland.
A view on the people that we could become, on the society we could be, if we embraced a new and more ambitious way of doing things. And these things should be debated not in the abstract, but in the detail, for it is the examples that make the case for greater responsibility.
Take the example of Scottish broadcasting - a vital part of Scotland's culture and economy, but until recently, seriously neglected by decision makers in London.
By founding the Scottish Broadcasting Commission and highlighting the inadequacies of the status quo, this Government, the Commission, and our industry together have opened a new debate about the status and mission of Scottish broadcasting - creating new possibilities for our country and our people.
Today in Glasgow the Scottish Broadcasting Commission publishes its interim report on culture, raising vital questions for our national identity - history, education, sport and language.
We should all welcome this report. It is an important step in shaping the nation and the culture of Scotland.
The progress we are making on broadcasting is an inspiring example. It shows what we can achieve with ambition and firmness of purpose.
But make no mistake. Had we not asked the difficult questions - and challenged the status quo - then no one would have done it for us.
We must take full responsibility for shaping our own future - the future of Scotland.
So consider the aspects of Scottish life which could be made better. Be confident in asserting your vision.
To our churches and our faith groups I say, if you care passionately about a humanitarian global role for Scotland, if you care strongly about increasing foreign aid, if you object deeply to the presence of nuclear weapons - then tell us, and tell the people of Scotland.
To our voluntary organisations I say, if you are paying the cost of lottery funding being diverted to London - then speak out. Tell us the progress you wish to see.
And our universities and colleges, seeking more funding but constrained by Scotland's funding structure. The same fiscal straitjacket which constrains Scotland's government - and which constrains our choices as a society.
And our business organisations who want to enhance the competitive advantage of the Scottish economy and recognise that is the root to prosperity, then we should consider the new wealth - the new resources - that Scotland could generate with greater control of our own economy.
To our trade unions, we have to consider what social partnerships are required to create not just a rich country but a rich society.
As we have seen throughout our history, often the biggest steps forward, the most significant progress requires the greatest courage and indeed, often, some plain speaking.
Today the Scottish Government wants to hear from you about your priorities and ambitions.
And over the coming months, we ask you to speak with your members about the big policy choices and the big constitutional choices that Scotland must make.
This new phase is about working with you to broaden and deepen the national conversation across Scotland.
This is your time to lead and your opportunity to contribute.
This will be historic dialogue in Scotland. A dialogue with our institutions to prepare for a decision by the people.
And with your guidance and your participation I am certain we can help Scotland choose a future of which we can all be proud.